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THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION: 
AN EXAMPLE FROM, AN AYMARA-SPEAKING REGION OF PERU 



By 

MICHAEL DAVID PAINTER 



A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF 

THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE 

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY , 



UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 
1981 



Copyright 1981 

by 
Michael David Painter 



To my mother and the memory of my father 



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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 

A number of people and institutions contributed to the realization 
of this study. The people of the district of Sarata shared freely of 
their food, shelter, and knowledge of their home, and gave new meaning 
to the concept of reciprocity. Special assistance was rendered by 
Santiago Calli Apaza, Eustaquia Callo de Lopez, Lucfa Lopez de Lima, 
Javier Mamani Mamani, Gregoria Sarabia Blanco, Pedro Ouispe Ticona, 
Juan Ticona Collquehanca, Lucio Ticona Collquehuanca, and Abdon Ticona 
Mamani . 

I was also fortunate to have the opportunity to work with four 
talented and dedicated research assistants from the district of Sarata. 
The late John Wi If redo Apaza, formerly a student of agronomy at the 
Universidad Nacional Tecnica del Altiplano, in Puno, provided techni- 
cal information on agriculture both to me and to the people of Sarata. 
His untimely death was one of the few sad experiences I had to suffer 
while in the field. Yolanda Lopez Callo, currently Aymara Instructor 
at the University of Florida, and Eva Mercado Vargas, a school teacher 
in Sarata, transcribed and translated hours of recorded tapes contain- 
ing extremely difficult linguistic material and oriented me to numerous 
aspects of life in Sarata. Juan Lira Condori , a student of sociology 
at the Universidad Nacional de San Agustfn, in Arequipa, conducted 
marketing and consumption surveys, and shared information he had col- 
lected on the effects of the Peruvian agrarian reform in Sarata. 



IV 



Institutional affiliation in Peru was provided by the Pontiffcia 
Universidad Catolica del Peru, in Lima, and by the Universidad Nacional 
Tecnica del Alti piano, in Puno. Carlos Aramburu and Alejandro Camino, 
anthropology professors at the Universidad Catolica, shared their 
extensive knowledge of Puno department and directed me to numerous use- 
ful bibliographic sources. Victor Bustinza, Oscar Chaquilla, and 
Eleodoro Chahuares, faculty members of the Universidad del Altiplano, 
made university resources available and assisted me in gaining access 
to government offices and agencies in Puno. Rodolfo Machlcao, also a 
faculty member at the Universidad del Altiplano and a native of Sarata, 
allowed my wife and me to reside in his family's house while we were in 
Sarata, provided extensive information on the district, and introduced 
me to a number of helpful saratenos . 

Ismael Cerruto and Jacinto Condori of the Ministerio de Agricul- 
tura y Alimentacidn provided extensive information on productive activi- 
ties in Sarata. Eleodoro Aquise Jaen, director of the Puno office of 
the Servicio Nacional de Meteorologfa e Hidrologfa, made available 
climatic data on the region. Victor Villanueva, director of the 
Organismo Regional de Planificacidn in Puno, also collaborated with 
my research efforts. 

Valuable assistance and support while I was in the field was also 
provided by Phil Blair, Lucy Briggs, Hector Hartfnez, Benjamin Orlove, 
and Peter White. The Sisters of Satin Joseph who administer the parish 
of Sarata were uniformly kind, helpful, and supportive of my efforts. 

The members of my doctoral committee have been unfailing in their 
encouragement and support since I first arrived at the University of 



Florida. Anthony Oliver-Smith has been an extremely capable and dedi- 
cated advisor, as well as a constant source of new ideas. M.J. 
Hardman-de-Bautista introduced me to the Aymera language and people, 
and trained me in the linguistic field methods upon which I have relied 
heavily. Charles Wagley has been an extremely loyal mentor whose 
knowledge of anthropology in general and Latin America in particular is 
exceeded only by his personal warmth and good humor. Chris Andrew has 
advised me on matters related to agricultural economics and shared his 
vast knowledge of issues in rural development. Paul Doughty has been a 
friend and is a perpetual source of information on Peru and Peruvian 
research. 

No research would have been possible without financial support. 
This was partially provided by a Fulbright-Hays Fellowship for Doc- 
toral Research. The Inter-American Foundation was my major source of 
funding through a Learning Fellowship for Social Change. Both members 
of the staff and of the fellow selection committee of the Inter- 
American Foundation have been a source of personal and intellectual 
support. 

Finally, my wife, Jane Collins, has been steadfast in her support 
and guidance of my work at the same time that she was also engaged in 
doctoral research and dissertation writing. She made the effort required 
to pursue an advanced degree in anthropology not only possible, but a 
pleasurable and rewarding experience. 



VI 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 

Page 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

ABSTRACT 

CHAPTER 

I THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE 1 

Introduction .... 2 

The Study of Peasant Economics ' 7 

The Analysis of Modes of Production. ........... 13 

Modes of Production in the District of Sarata. ...'*" 18 

Research Methods 21 

II THE SARATA ENVIRONMENT 23 

Introduction 23 

Physical Features 24 

Population and Institutions . . . . 30 

The Rural Conmunities of the District . . . 33 

Social Stratification . . . 35 

Economic Class ...... 49 

Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansion.' . . . . '. 58 

III THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION 61 

Introduction 61 

The Integration of Sarata 62 

Sarata and the Republic 70 

The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy 74 

The Urban Growth of Juliaca. . . ." 84 

The District of Sarata and Urban Centers ......... 93 

National Agrarian Policy and the Stagnation of the Agri- 
cultural Economy , 95 

National Agricultural Policy and the Regional Economy* 

of Sarata 112 

IV THE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION 117 

Introduction 117 

Landholding Institutions '.'.'.'.'. 117 

Canmunities and Individuals * 117 

Labor Exchange 125 

S.A.I.S. San Juan 13q 

Medianos Productores \ I37 



vli 



Page 

Subsistence Activities in Sarata 237 

Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Production ]\i 

Potatoes and Minor Tubers . . t^o 

Broad Beans * .:i 

Barley ::::::;:: 53 

Forage Grains tit 

Quinoa and Kaniwa .... -jcc 

Vegetable Crops .... ;„ 

'-'"•'' ICQ 

Herding t^^ 

The Role of Subsistence Activities! \ 155 

The Capitalist Mode of Production ..." 157 

Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production ifi? 

Wage Labor. , Jgo 

Trade and Transport . . . . [ ]74 

Capitalists \ {-jr. 

The Organization of Labor !."•".".'!!.'!! 188 

V HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY 190 

Introduction ,qp 

A Sarata Household .... foT 

Daily Activities ilt^ 

Labor Allocation %. 

Household Agriculture. !!!.'." 214 

Potatoes and Minor Tubers 21*4 

Broad Beans and Peas \ \ \ 225 

Barley and Wheat [ 23'^ 

Quinoa . . . 2''5 

Forage Grains ' ' ' --^c 

Onions .'."!.".".' 2?7 

Livestock .....[, 239 

Costs and Revenues of Subsistence*Agriculture" *''"'' 240 

Coffee and Citrus Cultivation 24^ 

Trade and Commerce ^c\ 

Household Expenses ......... 256 

PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION 250 

Summary and Conclusions 260 

Policy Implications. ....... 275 

The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective.' .' ." ,' .' .' 278 

APPENDIX 

THE AYMARA PHONEMIC ALPHABET 284 

REFERENCES 

cSib 

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH _ 293 



VI 



vm 



Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council 
of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements 
for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF FOOD PRODUCTION: 
AN EXAMPLE FROM AN AYMARA-S PEA KING REGION OF PERU 

Michael David Painter 

December 1981 

Chairman: Anthony R. Oliver-Smith 
Major Department: Anthropology 

The AyiTiara of southern Peru have experienced the process of 
capitalist expansion for a number of years. Aymara households partici- 
pate in diverse capitalist activities while withholding their agricul- 
tural production from the market. Food production is for subsistence 
only. Households earn cash by participating in capitalist activities 
which are scheduled so as not to conflict with subsistence activities. 
This strategy protects the Aymara from becoming dependent upon any single 
activity to provide the means of their subsistence. 

Losing control over basic subsistence activities has historically 
been associated with rural -urban migration in the region, and is one 
reason that regional urban centers have experienced tremendous popula- 
tion growth in recent years. There has been a corresponding growth in 
the demand for food by these urban centers at the same time that rural 
producers have become reluctant to sell food. 

Economic diversification facilitates capitalist activities in 
southern Peru because non-capitalist subsistence activities provide 
part of the subsistence needs of the people who participate in capi- 
talist activities. This reduces the cost of labor and reduces the amount 



TX 



of cash the population roust control in order to provide a solvent de- 
mand for manufactured goods. However, for the conditions which origi- 
nally facilitated the growth of capitalist enterprises in the region 
to continue, subsistence activities must also continue. This tends to 
limit further capitalist expansion into the region. 

The dependence of the capitalist mode of production upon non- 
capitalist modes in order to expand, and the withdrawal of foodstuffs 
from the marketplace at a time when urban demand is rapidly increasing 
are two contradictory tendencies associated with the process of 
nodernization in southern Peru as well as in other areas of the world. 
They are major features of modern peasant economies. They illustrate 
that such an economy is not simply the product of market forces seek- 
ing equilibrium, but are the result of broad social forces acting 
within a particular historical process. 



Fi 



CHAPTER I 
THE "PEASANT" WAY OF LIFE 

Introduction 

The chill quiet of the town plaza of Sarata^ is broken shortly 
after 1:00 a.m. by the drivers of nearly two dozen trucks and two buses, 
who start their vehicles and begin idling their engines to warm them up 
for the trip to Juliaca. Several of the trucks jockey for position at 
the plaza exit, trying to guarantee .that they will be among the first 
to leave, and thus have a full load of passengers. Within a few minutes 
the sound of the revving of engines is joined by the cries of the 
drivers' assistants, shouting their destination and trying to attract 
passengers to their vehicles. A pall of exhaust fumes soon settles 
over the plaza and softens the outlines of the people as they pass in 
front of the headlights of the trucks. The men wear ponchos, cover 
their heads with knitted stocking caps, and wrap their faces with 
knitted scarves. The women are dressed in poll eras , the large full 
skirts worn over numerous petticoats, several layers of sweaters, and 
blouses over which they wrap a shawl, and a derby hat. Many people 
carry bundles on their backs which may contain everything from children 



Sarata is a fictitious name for the district in which research for the 
present work was conducted. The names of places within the district 
tlIV\^^ ^^^ °^ district residents have also been chanced. Other 
names, however, are cited correctly. 



-1- 



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to food and blankets for the trip, to goods destined to be sold in 
Juliaca. 

The destination of nearly everyone this Monday morning is Juliaca, 
which is a major distributive center for all of southern Peru. Its 
weekly market is held every Monday and is the largest in the region 
and a focal point of weekly commercial activity. A similar scene is 
repeated virtually every morning in the Sarata plaza, as people attend 
the various local markets or go to the provincial capital of Huancane, 
or Ouliaca on bureaucratic errands. The activity in the plaza on the 
other mornings, however, is much reduced in comparison to Monday. 

As she does every Monday morning, Petronia Quispe arrives in the 
plaza around 1:30, in time to secure a good seat on the truck directly 
behind the cab, for herself and four-month-old child she carries on 
her back. She is also carrying a bundle, which contains a change of 
clothes for the baby, a blanket to wrap themselves in during the pre- 
dawn truck ride, and an inkuna ,^ or food-carrying cloth, containing 
some boiled potatoes to eat on the way. 

Petronia also has brought several nylon windbreakers and a trans- 
istor radio in her bundle. These were purchased in a weekly market on 
the Bolivian border last Saturday and Petronia will re-sell them in 
Juliaca this morning. This is, of course, strictly illegal, and con- 
stitutes a miniscule part of the well -publicized black market trade 
between Peru and Bolivia. Between Sarata and Juliaca, the truck 
Petronia is riding on will pass through four control points where it 
may be searched thoroughly either by customs agents or members of the 



2 

All Aymara words in this thesis are written according to the Yapita 
phonemic alphabet, which is described in the Appendix 



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-3- 



Guardia Civil, the national police force. Usually, however, the 
searches are only cursory and rarely create difficulties. The biggest 
worry lies in the delays that the checkpoints sometimes provoke. 

The truck in which Petronia Quispe is riding is owned by a person 
who engages in contraband activity on a far larger scale. In fact, 
either he, his wife, or a family member own over half the trucks leaving 
Sarata this morning. Although originally from the same peasant com- 
munity as Petronia, he has amassed a fortune that reputedly makes him 
one of the richest men in southern Peru. He maintains a base in the 
community by contributing generously to work projects and employing 
people from there in his many enterprises. Petronia always travels in 
one of his trucks because it is said that they are less likely to have 
problems at the control points. Also, his sister is Petronia' s god- 
mother, or madrina, having sponsored Petronia at her baptism. Petronia 
can thus count on the support of powerful friends should she ever en- 
counter problems in Juliaca, or anywhere else in the department of Puno 
for that matter. 

Most of the trucks from Sarata will arrive in Juliaca between 5:00 
and 6:00 a.m. The very last to leave will reach Juliaca by 6:30 a.m. 
Upon arrival in Juliaca, the first thing Petronia will do is sell the 
radio and the windbreakers to retail commercial ists who work in the 
city. That transaction completed, she will buy a large sack of onions 
or carrots. After buying her produce, Petronia will store it in the 
back of the truck, under the watchful eyes of the driver's assistant and 
several fellow passegners while she does some shopping. Generally she 
buys some fruit to take home to her family. Also, she will buy a large 
sack of bread, which is of a better quality than that baked in Sarata. 



w P i * i T4 il i llMlfcl 



-4- 



By 10:00 a.m., Petronia and the other passengers will be back on the 
truck and leaving Juliaca. Barring mechanical problems and depending 
upon the condition of the road, they will be back in Sarata between 
2:00 and 4:00 p.m. 

On Wednesday, Petronia will take the produce she purchased in 
Juliaca to a rural market in a high-altitude herding area of the dis- 
trict of Sarata. Some of the vegetables will be sold there; however, 
Petronia will be more interested in trading them with the women who 
bring cheeses and wool to the market. These products are produced in 
abundance in the herding area and are sold at a lower price than any- 
where else in the district of Sarata. Petronia will add the wool to 
her personal store and some will be used for the weaving and knitting 
that she and her husband do, and the rest will be available for con- 
version into cash on some later occasion. 

The cheeses Petronia acquires on Wednesday will be taken to a 
Saturday market near the Bolivian border. From shortly before sunrise 
until about noon merchants such as Petronia conduct a lively trade with 
their counterparts from Bolivia. Here, Petronia will sell her cheeses 
to Bolivians who, because food prices are considerably higher in Bolivia 
than in Peru, will pay a much higher price than she could receive in 
Peru. From Bolivians who have come up from the valley of Chuma, she 
will buy wayk'a, a variety of dried hot pepper, which she will sell in 
the large Sunday market in the town of Sarata. She will also buy another 
radio and perhaps some other manufactured goods from mechants that have 
come to the border from La Paz. These will be taken to Juliaca next 
Monday morning to underwrite the start of another business week. 



When not attending to market business, Petronia works with her 
husband, Santiago Huanca, in carrying out the household agricultural 
activities. These include caring for their three cows, seven sheep, 
and four pigs, and cultivating a small area of land which is divided 
into many plots scattered over a wide area. Most of these plots are 
located within their own community, although some of their landholdinqs 
are also located in other areas of the district. 

Although they work as a team on these activities, Petronia and 
Santiago own their animals and land individually. The household has 
four pigs, for example, which were purchased by Petronia with money 
from her marketing, and they are her property. Santiago spends as much 
time taking care of them as she does, but both the decision to buy and 
how to dispose of the pigs are Petronia 's. Likewise, Santiago in- 
herited some irrigated land in another area of the district from his 
mother, who is from a different community. He and Petronia work the 
land together, but it belongs undisputably to Santiago. Productive 
decisions are made with the interests of the entire household in mind, 
but the principle of separate and individual ownership is basic. 

Petronia and Santiago live about four kilometers outside of the 
town of Sarata in a community near the edge of Lake Titicaca. It is 
one of the most densely populated areas of the district and few house- 
holds in the community own more land or animals than Petronia and 
Santiago. There is virtually no irrigation in the community; however, 
the combination of high population density and high agricultural pro- 
ductivity is made possible by the annual flood plain of irregular width 
which foHTis the shoreline of Lake Titicaca. Petronia and Santiago's 
conmunity, as well as several other communities in the district of 



^t» «liw* v ii<g .fi i -i_ wn a p I 



-6- 



Sarata, controls substantial areas of this plain. Cultivation of this 
flood plain is celled milli and is made possible by the water that seeps 
into the ground from the lake. This makes possible an early planting 
and, as the increasing rains cause the level of the lake to rise, neces- 
sitates an early harvest. Petronia and Santiago aUo plant and harvest 
early in the agricultural season on a small plot of irrigated land, and, 
in fact, realize three harvests a year from that plot. They also follow 
a third agricultural schedule on the land where rainfall is the only 
sojrce of water. 

On their lands, Santiago and Petronia cultivate potatoes and other 
tubers, broad beans, guinoa , barley, corn, carrots, onions, cabbage, and 
other vegetables, as well as a small amount of oats for the animals. 
The yields they receive are considerably higher than the mean for the 
department of Puno, and despite the small area of land they own, they 
are normally able to provide quite comfortably for most of the household 
food needs. The only foodstuffs regularly purchased are rice, noodles, 
and sugar, which they cannot produce for themselves. Santiago and 
Petronia would like to have a little more pasture land, which would 
permit them to purchase some additional livestock. However, they are 
not particularly interested in acquiring additional agricultural lands 
for, as they point out, they already have all they can eat and providing 
the labor necessary to cultivate more land would limit their freedom 
to engage in other activities. 

Like the people in most of the households of Sarata, Petronia and 
Santiago rarely sell food they have produced themselves. For them, 
agriculture has a single purpose, to produce food for the household. 
The primary concern of the households is to assure themselves of a food 



-Sim'^ittifiUt% iT »mr\t^»*ifmifm:Mimf»*nn %a m « tt a 



-7- 



supply. Once that goal is achieved they can, and do, turn their atten- 
tion to making money. However, one does not risk one's subsistence on 
the chance to turn a monetary profit. 

The Study of Peasant Economies 

The present study will examine the economic system in which Petronia 
and Santiago participate. This system is characterized by the co- 
existence of productive activities belonging to capitalist and non- 
capitalist modes of production, and individuals such as Petronia and 
Santiago incorporate activities from both modes of production into their 
survival strategies. It is the relationship between capitclist and 
non-capitalist modes of production that is most characteristic of the 
peasant economy of Sarata. 

Use of the concept of modes of production has recently received 
considerable attention in the literature of economic anthropology and 
many investigators have found it useful in illuminating the issues 
which lie behind the economic problems faced by many developing socie- 
ties (Clammer 1978; Seddon 1978). However, the study of peasant socie- 
ties has been characterized by a number of approaches, which have enjoyed 
varying degrees of popularity at different times. The modes of produc- 
tion approach is simply a recent chapter in a long history of theoretical 
frameworks. Therefore, it may be helpful to briefly review some of the 
problems peasant studies have faced in order to make explicit why the 
mode of production model has been chosen. 

Within the context of American anthropology, peasant studies have 
traditionally fit into a broader context of the study of non-Western 



mrfaMo-'trvuVMaacUnM 



-8- 



economic systems in which individuals frequently manifest apparently 
anomalous economic behavior. There has been a prolonged theoretical 
dialogue on the utility of basic concepts of Western economics for 
studying such non-Western and/or non-capitalist economic systems. One 
group of writers, exemplified by Dalton (1968), Polenyi et el. (1957), 
and Sahlins (1972) have claimed intellectual antecedents in the work of 
Chayanov (1966) and they have argued that formal Western economic con- 
cepts are not useful for analyzing non-Western societies. In their 
view, within non-Western societies, economic activities are not a 
separate realm, but are carried out in the context of kinship, politi- 
cal and religious institutions, while Western economic science developed 
as part and parcel of a specialized market economy. They have maintained 
that Western economic science equates rationality with the allocation 
of resources to maximize the production of desired goods, while most 
non-Western societies do not seek to maximize production; and Western 
economics assumes scarce means in relation to unlimited wants to be 
universal, while it is, in fact, a peculiarity of the Western system. 

Other writers, such as Burling (1968), Cook (1968), Herskovits 
(1940), and Schneider (1974) have defended the applicability of Western 
economic science to non-Western societies. They have argued that the 
detractors of formal Western economic concepts confused economic analy- 
sis with economic liberalism when they equated it with the growth of 
the market economy and that the concept of maximization, in fact, refers 
to satisfaction, which is culturally defined, and not to production. 
Such writers have also held that there is indeed scarcity as long as 
the means for engaging in productive activity are not unlimited and may 
be employed in alternative uses, and as long as the obtaining of a goal 
requires the expenditure of measurable effort. 



Considerable effort has been expended in this discussion with 
neither side able to delineate an objectively definable field of study. 
On one hand, it is argued that economics has to do with the provision- 
ing of society, but that the institutions which fill this role belong 
to the domains of kinship, religion, or politics rather than economics. 
On the other hand, economics may study the decision-making by which 
scarce means are allocated among alternative uses. However, if means 
and ends are defined broadly enough to be universally applicable, then 
all human activity becomes the field of study (Godelier 1957; 1977). 

Within this general context, the study of peasant societies has an 
additional element of complexity which is not shared by the tribal or 
primitive non-Western societies which have provided many of the examples 
fueling the above discussion. As a group, peasants are not defined by 
the internal structures of their own societies, but by their relation- 
ships to larger, external societies. Hence, Redfield (1953:31) links 
the rise of peasant societies to the rise of cities, and Kroeber 
(1948:284) states that peasants are "part-societies with part-cultures" 
which constitute a class segment of a larger population, and which live 
in relation to market towns. The relationships that peasants have with 
the larger populations are highly variable according to the technological, 
environmental, and social situations of the peasants themselves, and 
the type of domain exercised over them by the dominant urban-based 
classes of the society (Wolf 1955; 1966). 

In spite of great variability, peasants do share the experience of 
being dominated by other strata in the larger populations to which they 
belong. These strata exercise a prior claim over the production of 
peasants. Sometimes this is over "surplus" production, and sometimes 



»~iari>MgfTi iiM>iiii m\ 'i I 



■10- 



it is over peasant labor power. They also share a number of institu- 
tions which regulate the internal organization of peasant societies, 
the social relations organizing their productive activities, and mini- 
mize the damage that external domination can do them. These institutions 
have traditionally functioned by preventing or limiting potentially dis- 
ruptive external contacts by placing formal and informal sanctions upon 
those who would make such contacts outside of specific, approved con- 
texts. Protection institutions have also served to place limits on 
both upward and downward individual mobility. Downward mobility has 
been limited by spreading the costs and risks of an enterprise among 
all the members of a community, while inter-personal obligations and 
institutions of mutual aid and cooperative labor have served to limit 
upward mobility by equalizing access to resources (Migdal 1974). Such 
mechanisms frequently have functioned at the level of communities which 
have been closed as much as possible to external forces (Wagley 1964). 
In some cases, such comm.unities have resembled a closed corporation 
whose members hold enduring rights and duties (Wolf 1951; 1966), while 
in others the closure of peasant society has occurred at the level of 
large regional trading networks (Tax 1953). 

During the present century, and particularly since World War II, 
peasants have experienced a new force--that of capitalist expansion. 
The expansion of capitalism into peasant areas has been motivated by 
various factors according to the particular time and place. These have 
included a need for raw materials, land, cheap labor power, and new 
consumer markets. Where these factors have come together, the social 
relations of production and the productive activities themselves that 
existed prior to capitalist expansion into the region have generally 



-11- 



been drastically altered or eliminated (Bradby 1975). The mechanisms 
by which traditional institutions have been transfomed are numerous. 
However, all have involved some combination of factors which increased 
the expenses of peasant household and limited their opportunities for 
earning an income. In some areas, for example, capitalist expansion 
hai stimulated rapid population growth, which has led to an unprecedented 
fragmentation of landhol dings and a reduction in a household's ability 
to produce a marketable food surplus. In other areas, manufactured 
goods replaced local craft production and cut off what had been a source 
of income for many households (Migdal 1974). 

As capitalist expansion progressed, it was argued that the disrup- 
tions caused to traditional productive activities were not unlike what 
had occurred in the United States and Europe in the early days of capital- 
ist growth and expansion in those countries. Some observers argued 
that the changing peasant societies would eventually become capitalist 
themselves and be in a position to share the fruits of capitalism en- 
joyed by the populations of developed capitalist societies (Rostow 
1951). 

When such a course of events showed no signs of occurring, many 
investigators began to search for what was "wrong" with peasant socie- 
ties, which impeded the expected transformation. They sought the answer 
to their questions in the cognitive grid of peasants, where they claimed 
to have found "cultural factors" such as low empathy, a limited world 
view, a lack of innovativeness, hostility, and fatalism which are shared 
by peasants around the world and which cause them to resist and subvert 
the transformation to capitalism (Bailey 1966; Banfield 1958; Foster 
1967; Rogers 1959). Such was the anxiety to "blame the victims" for 



-12- 



the lack of success in transforming their societies to industrial 
capitalist centers that explanations based upon normative judgements 
by investigators regarding traits of personality and perception were 
acceptable. Such traits were reported to apply to peasants in general 
regardless of their particular cultural or historical backgrounds. The 
experience of capitalist expansion into their areas, which is shared by 
peasants around the world, and which may be directly observed in the 
material condition of their lives, was ignored. 

The counterpoint to the "cognitive grid" approach is the work of 
Frank (1956; 1967; 1969). Frank argues that the explanation for the 
problems associated with capitalist expansion, such as rapid population 
growth, urban expansion, and poverty, are found entirely within the 
capitalist economy. For him, non-capitalist production that peasants 
may engage in either prior to or concurrent with capitalist expansion 
is irrelevant. Capitalism is a world system hierarchically ordered into 
metropoli and satellites. The satellites produce a surplus which is 
extracted by the metropoli. Because the system is hierarchically ar- 
ranged, what is a metropolis from one perspective, is a satellite from 
another. Lima, for example, is the principal metropolis of Peru, but 
in its position in relation to developed capitalist societies it is a 
satellite. As a general principle, Frank's dependency model is intui- 
tively appealing. However, the concepts of metropolis and satellite 
frequently elude precise definition when applied to particular cases. 
Also, by focusing exclusively upon his perception of the overriding 
internal dynamic of capitalism, Frank's model reveals little about the 
functioning of productive processes at a local level, or about the 
links between the local level and the larger society. 



'!■' <9x^smrmim, fn^i .■■■■»^ 



-13- 



Other writers have been more precise in their analyses. Arr.in (1974; 
1977) argues that societies into which capitalism is penetrating cannot 
follow a course of development similar to Western Europe and the United 
States because the penetration occurs from the outside for the purpose 
of extracting wealth. The key sectors of the economy which are trans- 
formed as a result are those of export production and import consumption. 
These grow in relation to one another, but the productive activities 
in other areas of the society are not transformed. 



The Analysis of Modes of Producti 



on 



Marx himself suggests a different perspective on the growth of 
capitalism in his discussion of the Asiatic mode of production (1959). 
He emphasizes that in the Asiatic mode of production, certain precapi- 
talist modes are more resistant to capitalist penetration than others 
for reasons related to the internal organization of production. Recent 
investigators have found this to be a starting point for a renewed 
interest in studying the internal functioning of non-capitalist econ- 
omies in different areas of the world. These studies differ, however, 
from those which stimulated the discussions among economic anthropologists 
regarding the usefulness of Western economic science for studying econ- 
omic behavior in non-Western societies in that they focus upon produc- 
tion rather than upon transaction and exchange and the institutions 
which regulate them. In this perspective, distribution and exchange 
are determined by the social relations among the people engaged in the 
productive process. These social relations are, in turn, determined 
by the initial access of producers to the goods, resources, and labor 



-14- 



which constitute the means of production (Godelier 1S67; 1977; 1978a; 
1978b; Meillassoux 1972; 1977). 

The term "mode of production" is used here to refer to economic 
activities that may be diverse in terms of the products that result 
from them, but which share basic organizational characteristics that 
order the social relations among the people involved in the economic 
activity. The social relations that are observed between participants 
in an economic activity are determ.ined by their relative access to land, 
labor, and capital, that is, the means necessary for production to 
occur. In feudal Europe, for example, the organizing principle for 
social relations was the rights and duties which defined the control of 
different segments of the population over land. In modern capitalist 
activities, the social relations between participants are ordered by 
their access to capital. The most basic distinction is between workers 
who sell their labor power for wages because they do not have access 
to the other means of production, and capitalists who control land and 
capital . 

In any society, there are diverse economic activities which may 
belong to different modes of production. The different modes of produc- 
tion are not isolated from one another, but are linked in various ways. 
A plowshare produced in a factory organized according to capitalist 
social relations of production may be used in a family agricultural 
enterprise which produces only for subsistence, for example. The two 
modes of production are joined through the sphere of exchange, which 
provides the mechanism for getting the plowshare from the foundry to 
the farm. Likewise, a single individual may act both as a worker in 
the foundry and as a food producer for the family. The two modes of 



-15- 



production are then linked in the coordination of their respective labor 
requirements. 

When two modes of production are linked in such a fashion, they 
constitute a single economic system, which is often referred to as a 
social formation. Because they are linked, conditions in one mode of 
production may affect conditions in the other over time. Historically, 
when one of the modes of production has been capitalist, it has tended 
to expand, and capitalist social relations of production have replaced 
social relations of the non-capitalist mode. 

The relationship between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of 
production is referred to as their articulation. Rey (1973:82-87) 
states that the articulation of modes or production is a process in time, 
which extends from when capitalist expansion first brings it into con- 
tact with a non-capitalist mode of production in the sphere of exchange 
and ends with the total disappearance of the non-capitalist mode of 
production as all relations of production become capitalist. 

By looking at the articulation of capitalist and non-capitalist 
modes of production as a temporal process one is really looking at two 
historical processes, that of the capitalist system itself and that of 
the non-capitalist modes in the area where capitalist penetration is 
occurring. This allows local productive processes to be examined in 
relation to the larger region and nation, and can illuminate the ques- 
tion of why capitalist expansion has not worked the transformation upon 
non-capitalist areas that was once expected. 

Briefly, the capitalist mode of production is attracted to an area 
by the presence of non-capitalist modes of production and, once there, 
it tends to depend upon their continued existence. This is because the 



-16- 



non-capitalist mode of production helps to pay the subsistence costs of 
people being incorporated into the capitalist mode of production. For 
example, a commercial agricultural enterprise which has only a seasonal 
demand for labor does not have to pay its workers a wage which reflects 
their yearly subsistence costs and those of their families if all or 
part of the worker's subsistence requirements are met through subsistence 
agriculture and other non-capitalist productive activities. It is the 
non-capitalist mode of production which makes possible the "cheap labor" 
which is a major attraction of such an enterprise. In reality, the 
labor is not cheap, but its subsistence costs are subsidized by the 
non-capitalist mode of production. This reduces the costs of production 
for the capitalist enterprise and constitutes a transfer of value from 
the non-capitalist mode of production to the capitalist mode of produc- 
tion. Likewise, the presence of a non-capitalist mode of production 
allows people with limited access to cash to consume more manufactured 
goods than would otherwise be possible. Insofar as basic subsistence 
needs are met by non-capitalist activities, limited cash resources may 
be more freely spent for consumer goods than would otherwise be the 
case. 

Because the non-capitalist mode of production reduces the costs 
involved in capitalist expansion by such means as subsidizing labor 
costs or reducing the amount of cash income required for a population 
to constitute a solvent demand for manufactured goods, it is in the 
interests of the capitalist mode of production to co-exist with and 
reinforce the non-capitalist mode of production. This, however, poses 
a problem. The capitalist mode of production tends to expand and re- 
place non-capitalist modes even though the non-capitalist modes provide 



-17- 



the conditions attractive to capital in the first place--conditions 
upon which a particular enterprise may depend in order to realize a 
profit on its production. The kinds of enterprises which are attracted 
to enter such a relationship with a non-capitalist mode of production 
are those which require labor only on a seasonal basis and which re- 
quire unskilled labor that can be easily replaced when a worker leaves 
to take care of subsistence tasks (Dupre and Rey 1978; Meillassoux 
1972; 1977; Rey 1973). 

The relationship between the two modes of production is presumed 
to be hierarchical; that is, one is dominant over the other. In many 
studies of modes of production, the concept of dominance is used impre- 
cisely, referring simply to the mode of production that is most charac- 
teristic of a social formation. In the United States, for example, one 
can observe subsistence agriculture and craft industries in which the 
social relations of production are not capitalist, although they are 
invariably in some stage of articulation with the capitalist economy. 
Few people would argue that the social formation resulting from this 
articulation is not capitalist. However, in a society only recently 
undergoing capitalist penetration, this is not necessarily true. When 
one discusses a mode of production as being dominant or dependent, the 
parameters which determined the classification must be specified. 
Montoya (1980:25) discusses this problem as one of scale. He notes 
that in Peru as a whole, the capitalist mode of production is dominant, 
but in its articulation with developed nations on an international 
level, Peruvian capitalism occupies a dependent position. At the same 
time, in the countryside, there are many areas of small-scale agricul- 
ture where non-capitalist relations of production dominate. 



-<. G1liil»UM*M:iM^M«M 



•18- 



Various authors have used the concept of modes of production in 
their analyses of particular societies, emphasizing different implica- 
tions of the theory. Meillassoux (1964), for example, focused upon the 
internal economic organization of the Gouro of the Ivory Coast of 
Africa, which is characterized by a non-capitalist mode of production 
based upon lineages in which the older men control access to the means 
of production. Montoya (1980) examined the history of articulation 
between capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production for a major 
economic network in Peru which includes the populations of Lima, Lomas, 
Puquio, and Andahuyalas. Long and Richardson (1978) discuss the in- 
formal sector of the economic system of the Mantaro Valley in Peru, 
which is characterized by non-capitalist relations of production. They 
note that the expansion of small capitalist enterprises in this region 
usually implies a diversification rather than a specialization of 
economic functions. 

Modes of Production in the District of Sam ta 

The present work will apply the concept of modes of production to 
the economic system of the district of Sarata, an Aymara-speaking dis- 
trict of the department of Puno, Peru. Since prior to the arrival of 
the Spanish in Peru, Sarata has been subjected to domination by external 
political and economic interests. Capitalist penetration into Sarata 
began near the end of the 19th century when the Southern Peruvian Rail- 
way made the alti piano region an accessible market for manufactured 
consumer goods. 

Since that time the economic structure of the region has changed 
several times along with changes in transportation networks, in the 



-19- 



relative importance of various urban centers, and in the driving forces 
behind continued capitalist expansion. As these changes have occurred, 
the peasants of Serata have found their need for cash increasing. In 
order to satisfy this need, modifications in traditional non-capitalist 
subsistence strategies were made which placed them within the capitalist 
mode of production. Long distance trading networks which had been 
similar to those described by Tax (1953) in that the transactions had 
been limited to members of the Native American social stratum, provided 
the context for a shift to the transport of manufactured goods between 
urban centers in Peru and Bolivia. Seasonal trading expeditions to 
the valleys of the Peruvian coast became seasonal migrations in search 
of wage labor opportunities, and the cultivation of tropical valleys 
by saratenos in Bolivia preceded present-day production of cash crops 
in Peru's Tambopata Valley. 

The increased participation of saratenos in capitalist activities 
has been marked by diversification rather than specialization, much as 
was the case in the Mantaro Valley as observed by Long and Richardson 
(1978). A single household in Sarata may well be involved in two or 
more of the alternative activities belonging to the capitalist mode of 
production. Care is taken, however, not to allow participation in the 
capitalist mode to interfere with the production of basic foodstuffs for 
household subsistence. History has taught saratenos that while parti- 
cipation in the capitalist mode of production can be profitable, it is 
also risky. People who became dependent upon capitalist activities to 
supply basic subsistence needs also became vulnerable to the fluctuations 
of the market economy which has forced many off of their lands and into 
urban centers. Diversification of economic activities and maintenance 



^^es^lksA^ 



-20- 



of control over basic subsistence needs are important means of reducing 
such insecurities. 

Within the district of Sarata, the time and intensity of partici- 
pation in capitalist activities are determined by the demands made by 
subsistence agriculture upcr; household labor resources. Participation 
in capitalist activities occurs only after all possible steps have been 
taken toward assuring the household of an adequate food supply. Although 
the capitalist mode of production is dominant in Peru as a whole, the 
non-capitalist mode of production remains dominant within Sarata. This 
is so because the people of the district are unwilling to intensify their 
participation in the capitalist economy at the cost of losing control 
over the means of production of their own subsistence. As long as they 
do this, it is possible to choose the nature of their participation in 
the capitalist economy. They do not have to sell their labor in order 
to eat. In his discussion of the stages of articulation between capi- 
talist and non-capitalist modes of production, Rey (1973) notes that 
agriculture is frequently the last economic activity in a society to 
come under the domination of the capitalist mode of production. The 
case of Sarata illustrates why this is so. 

In Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production has subsidized 
capitalist activities in a variety of ways and continues to do so. In 
turn, the capitalist mode of production reinforces the subsistence 
sector of the Sarata economy. This reinforcement is related to the 
development of capitalist activities which are ccanpatible with the labor 
requirements of subsistence agriculture. However, it is this selective 
development of the capitalist economy that is responsible for much of 
the instability which has produced massive migration to urban centers. 



»ir w »" ^ WyrWiV»OMii|t>'i^.i^^i w aNP ■ ti.*« ^ »:.i S» ^«-*iur^*jHlMj^*»MMJt«T?JWJ<iSi. tT « c M* j <& i4jr j<w - ii T i- :j *^^ 



-21. 



and which provides the incentive for saratenos to maintain control over 
the means of their food production. 

By examining the articulation between capitalist and non-capitalist 
modes of production in Sarata, this work will attempt to examine the 
effects of capitalist penetration on the economic system of the district. 
It will also argue that, while saratenos have enjoyed more alternatives 
in the economic activities available to them than have most peasant 
societies, their response reflects a strategy that is not unique, and 
which is instructive in understanding why Peru has not been transformed 
into a developed capitalist society. This is not, however, merely a 
theoretical exercise. In the case of Peru, the nature of the articula- 
tion of modes of production is responsible for a critical shortage of 
food in Peru's urban centers. In examining the process of capitalist 
expansion into the district of Sarata, attention will be paid to both 
the causes and possible solutions of this problem. 

Research Methods 

The research upon which the present work is based was carried out 
from June through August of 1977 and from December 1979 through Decem- 
ber 1980. Several data-gathering techniques were employed. The tradi- 
tional anthropological approach of participant observation was used 
extensively in order to determine the scheduling of capitalist and 
non-capitalist productive activities and their respective requirements 
in terms of labor and other resources. This included observing and 
participating in most agricultural activities on the altiplano , 
accompanying merchants as they went about their various endeavors, and 



■ ^iT-t*rii I I ^11 ■ 



-22- 



accompanying sarateno producers when they went to the Tambopata Valley 
to harvest coffee and citrus. 

Participant observation was supplemented with more structured re- 
search techniques. Between December 1979 and December 1980, all of the 
rural markets of Sarata were visited. All but one were visited on 
various occasions. The number, age, and sex of vendors and buyers were 
noted, inventories were made of the goods being bought and sold, and 
the incidence of cash and barter transactions was noted. 

Information on the history of Sarata and its relationship to the 
larger regional and national societies was gathered through library re- 
search. The archives of the Catholic church in Sarata also yielded much 
information of historical value. 

The Ministry of Agriculture provided information on population, 
household size, the amount of land under cultivation and its allocation 
among different crops, and on the size and composition of livestock 
herds for each community in the district. Based upon this information, 
key households were selected which represented major features in the 
productive patterns of the district. Structured, open-ended interviews 
were conducted with members of these households and some of these 
individuals, in turn, provided additional information in unstructured 
interviews. 

Research with Aymara speakers was conducted in the Aymara language. 
This eliminated the need for interpreters and reduced the number of 
opportunities for the distortions that inevitably occur when information 
is translated from Aymara into languages as structurally different from 
it as Spanish or Enqlish. 



CHAPTER II 
THE SARATA ENVIRONMENT 

Introduction 



Capitalist expansion as it occurs around the world is affected by 
a number of factors. Aspects of the physical environment determine or 
constrain the productive activities which can be performed. Social 
strata represent divisions in society based upon unequal access to 
wealth generated by productive activities, and to political power. The 
political structure into which a region is integrated facilitates govern- 
ment control and the implementation of policies favorable to those 
social strata whose interests the government serves. Local political 
units, such as the peasant community, frequently serve to organize pro- 
ductive activities within a region. 

In the district of Sarata, the nature of capitalist penetration 
into the local economy has been affected in various ways by particular 
aspects of the physical environment, political organizations, and 
social stratification of the region. The harshness of the altiplano 
severely limits the possible range of productive activities. Since 
prior to the arrival of the Spanish, Sarata has been dominated by ex- 
ternal political organizations established for the purpose of extracting 
wealth. The social stratification of the district reflects this pur- 
pose. Local elites have consistently represented the interests of the 



-23- 



■^I'tli'C ^■-—iiinfom 



-24- 



groups concerned with extracting wealth from Sarata, whether the wealth 
was in the form of labor, minerals, or food. 

Traditional elites were unable to control access to the productive 
activities associated with capitalist expansion. These activities pro- 
vided economic opportunities to social strata which had not formerly 
enjoyed them. As members of these strata have acquired economic power 
the traditional elites have lost it. Social divisions characteristic 
of capitalist societies have begun to emerge. At the present time, 
capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production co-exist in the dis- 
trict of Sarata. The process of capitalist penetration has altered the 
previously existing social relations of production. However, the nature 
of capitalist penetration itself was also shaped by these prior pro- 
ductive relationships, and it continues to reflect the productive 
arrangements worked out over hundreds of years in the altiplano environ- 



ment. 



Physical Features 

The district of Sarata is located on the northeastern shore of 
Lake Titicaca in the Peruvian altiplano . It is a district of the prov- 
ince of Huancane, department of Puno. The westernmost side of Sarata 
is bounded by Lake Titicaca, which runs on an axis from northwest to 
southeast, while its eastern boundary is the international border with 
Bolivia. On the north and northwest, Sarata is bounded by other dis- 
tricts of the province of Huancane. 

Within this area, the district of Sarata occupies approximately 
700 square kilometers. About 50 kilometers separate the most distant 



-25- 



points on its longest axis, parallel to Lake Titicaca, and its width 
averages about 15-20 kilometers. The town of Sarata, which is the 
administrative center of the district, is located some kilometers south- 
west of the geographic center, about four kilometers from the shores of 
the lake (see Figures 2-1 and 2-2). 

Two highways of packed earth and stone connect the town of Sarata 
with the Bolivian border some 35 kilometers to the east. One route 
follows the lakeshore, and was constructed in the mid-1960s, under the 
first administration of Fernando Belaunde Terry. The journey to the 
border by this route usually requires from two to four hours to com- 
plete. The ether highway to the border passes inland from the lake. 
It was reportedly constructed in the late 1940s and it is the fastest 
route to the border from the town, requiring from 1.5 to three hours. Both 
of these highways reunite in Bolivia and form a direct link with La Paz,about 
eight hours from the border. There are, of course, also numerous 
trails across the border which are frequently negotiated by people on 
foot leading llamas or burros. Some are also negotiable by trucks. 

To the west, Sarata is linked to the provincial capital of Huancane 
and the commercial center of Juliaca by an unpaved highway. The dis- 
tance to Huancane is about 50 kilometers and Juliaca is slightly over 
100 kilometers distant. The trip to Juliaca normally requires from 
three to six hours. 

In the past Sarata was joined by boat to other districts that border 
Lake Titicaca. With the completion of a permanent highway link to 
Juliaca, regular passenger and freight services by boat were halted 
around 1940. However, one community in the district has a major boat- 
building industry where wooden craft of various sizes are constructed. 



>O^W>l It" >L,-.t 



-26- 




Figure 2-1. The department of Puno 
— Major roads 



k .tfjmc><a'M<«3£Amd 



-27- 




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4-3 



1/1 



fO ro 
to 

QJ 
M- +-> 
O 03 
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O "O 
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to to 

■r- S. 

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=5 re 



-28- 



These craft are purchased largely by households that live along the 
lake, for whom fishing is an important activity. Some people who do 
not fish also purchase the larger boats upon which they mount outboard 
motors. These are used for commerce and link the lakeside communities 
G- Sarata with other communities around Lake Titicaca. 

Sarata is commonly regarded as having a more agreeable climate than 
other areas of the a.lti piano. The presence of peach, apple, and cherry 
trees which annually bear fruit, the cultivation of corn, and the 
raising of diverse vegetable crops both out-of-doors and in greenhouses, 
set the district apart from many other areas around Lake Titicaca, and 
are pointed to as evidence of generally warmer temperatures and more 
abundant rainfall. Indeed, visitors to the area who are accustomed to 
other areas of the alti pian o are invariably impressed by the lush green 
vegetation. 

With regard to temperature, however, Sarata is not appreciably 
different from other areas of the altiplano . During the six-year period 
from 1975-1980, for example, the mean annual temperature of 8.5°C in 
Sarata was slightly lower than the mean annual temperature of 8.8°C 
recorded for the city of Puno. Also for the period 1975-1980, a mean 
variation of 11.9°C between the mean diurnal high and the mean nocturnal 
low was recorded for Sarata, while in the city of Puno the mean varia- 
tion was 11.4°C.-^ 



Nacinn ? HP 2 J^ '? ^'''' ^^'-^^ ^^ ^^^ P^"° °^^'^^ °f the Servicio 
Nacional de Meteorologia e Hidrologfa SENAMHI) graciously gave acce<;s 
to meteorologica data for the department of Puno. The figures cited 
in this paragraph are based upon data gathered by SENAMHI but the 
means themselves were calculated by the author ^'"''^'^^' ^'"' ^^^ 



■:A9V>~fi^A!F 



-29- 



On the other hand, Sarata does receive appreciably more rainfall 

9 

than the departmental mean. For the same six-year period of 1975-1980, 
a mean annual rainfall of 933 mm was recorded, while the departmental 
mean for the same period was 758 mm. This appears to be the most sig- 
nificant climatic difference between Sarata and other areas of Puno 
department. 

In discussing the climate of Sarata a note of caution is in order, 
for there is a great deal of variability within the district. In the 
vicinity of the lakeshore, in addition to potatoes, barley, and quinoa, 
one also finds Droad beans, isanu ( Tropaeolum tuberosum ), apilla ( Qxelis 
crenata), and ulluku ( mUjcus tuberosus ) , as well as corn, vegetable 
crops, and fruit trees. As one moves to the north away from the lake, 
the basic food crops tend to be reduced to potatoes and barley along 
with relatively small amounts of quinoa ( Chenopodium quinoa ) and kaniwa 
(Cheno podium pallidicaule ). Oats, rye, and forage barley are also 
raised to feed the larger numbers of animals encountered as one moves 
toward the ever more sparsely populated regions away from the lake. 
Finally, in the extreme northeastern corner of the district, not even 
the '^bitter potato," luk"i (Solanum andigenum ), can be cultivated and 
the subsistence base rests entirely upon large herds of sheep and al- 
pacas. Collins (1981) divides the district of Sarata into ecological 
zones on the basis of the complex of crops that form the subsistence 
base. 



2 

Rainfall in Puno department falls most abundantly in the montaha region 
o> the extreme north and most sparsely in the region of the Cordillera 
uccidental in the extreme south, and the decrease from north to south 
is .airiy regular. The SENAMHI normally uses readings from the city 
of Puno to represent a departmental mean. ' 



-30- 



Th'is variation is commonly attributed locally to higher elevation, 
which is associated with increased cold stress. In a general way this 
is correct, especially when one compares the vicinity of the lake with 
the extreme northeastern corner of the district. At the shore of Lake 
Titicaca, the elevation is about 3812 meters above sea level, while in 
the northeast, the elevation approaches 4300 meters above sea level. 
The upward slope of the land as one moves away from the lake is very 
gradual on the whole, however, and differences in elevation do not, by 
themselves, account for the differences in the crop complexes that form 
the subsistence bases in various areas of the district. In fact, beans 
and the tubers ulluku , j_sanu, and apilla are often found in lakeside 
areas which, due to an irregular landscape marked by high hills and 
ridges, are as far above sea level as the "highlands" some distance 
away, where these crops are not cultivated. Likewise, there are irri- 
gated highland areas where broad beans are successfully cultivated. It 
appears that much of the climatic variation within the district is a 
function of the presence or absence of sufficient moisture in the form 
of water in the ground and humidity in the air to protect plants from 
the desiccating effects of the cold, dry winds blowing off the eastern 
Cordillera of the Andes. 

Population and Institutions 

The 1972 Peruvian census recorded a total population for the dis- 
trict of Sarata of 20,220 people, of whom 1377 lived in the town of 
Sarata and the rest lived in the countryside. Based upon the agricul- 
tural census for the 1978-1979 growing season carried out by the 



iMOi^ ri^-^ tj ^ f-c Ti H«*W-*w'ifl»<»w»,i^M.-(aHR ir*if» *• 



-31- 



Minlsterio de Agricultura y Alimentacion, the rural population of the 
district was 21,331. The investigator estimated the 1980 population of 
the town of Sarata to be in the area of 2000-2500 people. This would 
place the total population of the district at about 23,000-24,000 
people. 

Based on a total population of 20,220 people, the mean population 
density of the district is approximately 28.9 people per square kilometer, 
while a total district population of 24,000 people would signify a mean 
density of approximately 34.3 per square kilometer. The population is 
not spread evenly throughout the district, but is concentrated in the 
lakeside area, where population densities of from 200-250 people per 
square kilometer are estimated. In contrast, in the extreme northeast 
of the district, where herding is the subsistence base, the population 
density is in the area of 15-20 people per square kilometer. 

The town of Sarata is the administrative center of the district. 
It is the home of a district governor who is appointed by the sub- 
prefect of the province, and is the last link in the centralized chain 
of command of the national government, extending outward from Lima. An 
alcalde, or mayor, is the highest official of the municipal government. 
The town is divided into five barrios , or neighborhoods, each of which 
elects its own officials to represent the interests of the neighborhood. 
Several of the professions are also represented in the district govern- 
ment by unions, or sindicatos . These include the drivers' union or 
sindicato de choferes , the small businessmen's union, or sindicato de 
inilioristas, the artisans' union, or sindi_cato de artesanos , the bakers' 
union, or sindjcato de panificadores . and the restaurant owners' union, 
or sindicato de gerentes de restaurantes. 



'St i » FCT i iT t t^ ^ i i n i _ i _^ a*» 



-32- 



Also located in the town is a post of the Guardia Civil or national 
police force and an office of the Policfa de Investigaciones del Peru, 
which is the national plain-clothes investigative police. A medical 
post is located on the edge of town which is affiliated with the Ministry 
of Health and an office of the Ministery of Agriculture provides infor- 
mation and technical assistance to the cultivators and herders of the 
district. Public education is available in the town from the levels of 
kindergarten through secondary school. The Catholic Church has been an 
institution in the town since 1608, when the first priest arrived. 
Today the church is administered by North American nuns from the order 
of the Sisters of St. Joseph, who also provide services in religious 
education and rural health care. Services are performed by the Sisters 
and a sacristan, who is from a community outside the town of Sarata. 
The Adventists arrived in Sarata early in the 20th century, and most 
of their work has been concentrated in the rural communities; however, 
they have recently constructed a large temple in the town as well. The 
Adventist church is completely run by native personnel. 

The town is also a center for commerce in the district. It is the 
site of a large Sunday market, which attracts between 700 and 1,000 
vendors weekly, and a much smaller Thursday market. On other days of 
the week, stores are the main distributors of beer, soft drinks, cocoa, 
and food products such as noodles, rice, and sugar. Several mechanics 
are kept busy maintaining the large number of trucks that operate out 
of the town. 

In the town of Sarata, one also finds such services as running 
water, electricity from about 6:00-10:00 p.m. when the hydroelectric 
generator is working properly, and a sewer system, which was in the 



-33- 



process of being installed in 1980. Traditionally, the town monopolized 
such amenities and services, but, more recently, people in the rural 
conmunities have become more organized and are acquiring these benefits 
for themselves as well. 

The Rural Communities of the District 

The town of Sarata is surrounded by 35 communities which occupy 
the bulk of the rural area of the district. Some of these are offi- 
cially recognized by the national government as comunidades campesinas 
while others have chosen to forego official recognition and are termed 
pa re i alidades ,. Most of the communities which have opted for recognized 
status have done so since 1960. There are examples of communities which 
chose to become recognized both during and before the Agrarian Reform 
of the government of Velasco Alvarado. Both communidades campesij2ai 
and paracialidades are represented before the national government by a 
tenjente ooberriador , who is appointed for each community to serve a 
one-year term by the sub-prefect of the province in consultation with 
the district governor. Internally, the communidades campesinas are 
governed by a comUe de vigilancia and a comite de administracion in 
accordance with the requirements of the national government. Parciali - 
dades, on the other hand, exhibited several different models of internal 
organization. 

Until relatively recently, the district government was organized 
on the basis of a^^Tlu rather than community. Each of the current com- 
munities composed a part of an a^Olu. Sometimes the lands of cor^uni- 
ties belonging to a single ayllu were contiguous and sometimes they 



-34- 



were not. However, all of the ayllu did control land in the different 
ecological zones of the district. In one case, a very large community 
constituted an ayllu in and of itself. It is unclear upon what basis 
the a^^lTiu were organized in pre-Hispanic times; however, the Spanish 
organized them into landholding institutions. Each ayllu had defined 
territorial boundaries by the 17th century. 

Prior to the emergence of the rural communities as political 
institutions, the district government was composed of the governor of 
the district and a teniente gobernador who was appointed to represent 
each ayl 1 u . This began to change in the 1950s as different parts of 
the ayllu began to want their own tenientes gobernadores to represent 
their interests in obtaining support for the construction of schools, 
roads, and other facilities. From this time, the communities of Sarata 
gradually acquired their own tenientes gobernadores and the ayllu lost 
much of their importance, with the transition process ending in the 
early 1970s. Presently, the ayllu is the basis of only a few political 
or administrative functions, although they continue to be invoked by 
specialists on ritual or ceremonial occasions as fundamental institu- 
tions in district organization. 

Prior to the agrarian reform of the Velasco government, in the 
late 1960s and early 1970s, there were 12 privately owned farms, or 
fundos, in the district of Sarata. One of these was owned by a man 
whose daughters all belonged to the San Vicente de Paul order of nuns. 
Upon his death, the fundo passed into the hands of the order, where it 
remained until the agrarian reform. The other fundos were controlled 
by members of four different families. Most of the fundo owners in 
Sarata also had land holdings in other, neighboring districts as well. 



-35- 



As part of the Agrarian Reform, these holdings were expropriated and 
adjudicated to fom a S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Interes Social), 
which iE dedicated to the raising of sheep for wool. The S.A.I.S. is 
under the direction of a manager who is rarely seen by the families 
who work on the enterprise, and day-to-day management is carried out 
largely by six officers and technicians who are members ( socios ) of the 
S.A.I.S., and 35 technical and administrative employees who are not. 
The families that were fonnerly tenant-laborers ( colonos ) on the fundos 
now work for S.A.I.S. The adult male "head" of each household is a 
socio who in theory has an equal vote in deciding how the enterprise 
will be run with all other socios. The socios are permitted to maintain 
subsistence plots to feed their families and to have their own herds 
in return for performing labor on the S.A.I.S. The socios are in 
theory paid a nominal sum of money for work performed for the S.A.I.S.; 
however, their wives and children who are not socios , are also required 
to work and are not paid.^ 



Social Stratificati 



on 



The division between the town and the countryside in Sarata is the 
basic social distinction recognized by the inhabitants of the district. 
Since the town of Sarata was founded toward the end of the 16th century, 
it has been the residence of a social elite which represented Spanish 

3 

This and other information on the operation of the S.A I S was aen- 

of'lar^tf'^h' /h'' ''' '"''°^'^ '''' ^^'^" "-''' Condo?i of'thTdf rict 
of Sarata wh.le he was conducting research on the operation of the 

N^JiJnai dp%.;'n^--¥^^^^^ '^ sociology at' the UniversidSd 
iNacional de San Agustm in Arequipa. 



-36- 

authority during the colonial period, and the authority of the Peruvian 
governments that have ruled the country since the Wars of Independence."^ 
Although a product of the mixture of European and indigenous populations, 
and speakers of both Aymara and Spanish, they orient their values toward 
the European cultural heritage. The people who live in the countryside 
are commonly regarded as the representatives of Peru's modern Native 
American population. A tension exists between the two groups that has 
been punctuated by violence at different times in the past. 

Social stratification in Sarata will be discussed here on the basis 
of a formal analysis of the features upon which residents base their 
distinctions of social categories. The interviewing techniques of the 
field linguist were employed in the elicitation of these features. 
Analysis and presentation generally follow the methodologies of Good- 
enough (1965) and Lounsbury (1964). Miracle (1976) has demonstrated 
the utility of formal analysis as a tool for examining Aymara social 
relations. 

Rural inhabitants of Sarata commonly distinguish two social cate- 
gories, jac[l, or "human being," and campesino , or "peasant," which are 
used almost interchangeably to refer to themselves. Misti is a pejora- 
tive term that, broadly defined, means someone who lives in the town. 
I Numerous features in addition to living either in the country or in 

the town are said to distinguish campesinos from mistis , however. The 
distinguishing features which are commonly cited are listed in Table 
2-1. These include features related to dress, diet, work habits, 
manners, and religion, among others. 



4 

I?i? K.'^^^^^^'" historical information mentioned in the present chapter 
will be discussed more fully in Chapter III. hi. cnapter 



-^jVr^^acrrr-ygtiri 



-37- 



The items included in Table 2-1 represent characteristics upon 
which there was unanimous agreement by informants of various social and 
economic positions as to their relevance in distinguishing the social 
categories of campesinos and mistis . The features were not necessarily 
volunteered spontaneously, however. For example, people who considered 
themselves campesinos would frequently say that a misti is lazy. Fur- 
ther elicitation regarding what campesinos regard as being lazy led to 
the complex of features pertaining to the domain of work. In addition, 
although the features presented in Table 2-1 were regarded as distinc- 
tive by people of distinct social strata, the social significance 
attached to the features by members of the respective strata varied 
tremendously. A person cited by a campesino as being a "lazy misti ," 
for example, might regard him or herself as a yecino del puebjo, or a 
"leading citizen of the town" and refer to people from the countryside 
as indios, which may literally be translated as "Indian" and is a 
strong pejorative. The features belonging to the domain of work, 
which to a person from the countryside would denote a "lazy misti ," 
when referring to a person to whom they do not apply, might also be 
cited by a leading citizen of the town as denoting an "ambitious 
Indian," when referring to a person to whom they do apply. 

There is, however, a difficulty. Although the features listed in 
Table 2-1 are agreed upon as distinguishing social categories, most of 
them do not, in fact, have a strong behavioral correlate that may be 
observed as making one group of people different from another. For 
example, although all campesinos agreed that mistis live in the town, 
they also agreed that there are numerous people living in the town who 
do not behave like mistis in most other respects. By the same token. 



-38- 



Table 2-1 
Features of Social Stratification 



Features 


Campesino 


Vecino 


Domain 




Works own fields 


+ 


+ 




Sells labor 


+ 


4 




Hires labor^ 




■(■ 




Exchanges labor 


+ 


+ 




Has maid 
Children herd 


+ 


+ 


Work 


Walks to border^ 


-!- 






Owns land in Tambopata^ 


+ 


+ 




Makes own poncho 


-1- 


+ 






Adventist 


+ 


■f- 




Catholic 








Sunday niass--morriing 


+ 




Religion 


Sunday mass--eveninq 




+ 












Speaks Spanish 


+ 


+ 


" 


Speaks AyiTiara 


-1- 


+ 


Language 








Lives in town 




+ 


~ 


1 Lives in community 


+ 






' Carnaval-campo dance group 


+ 


+ 




Carnaval-town dance group 




+ 


Residence 


Celebrates campo fiestas 


+ 


+ 




j Celebrates town fiestas^ 




+ 






Wears ojotas or goes barefoot 


+ 


+ 


~ 


Wears shoes 
' Wears oollera skirt 


+ 
+ 


•f 

+ 


Dress 






Family members killed in 1923 


+ 


+ 




Family members attacked com- 








munities in 1923 
Greets all people he/she knows 


+ 


+ 
+ 


Human/non-human 


Does not greet everyone 




+ 








i>nares food 


-j- 


+ 




' 




Eats hot lunch (almuerzo) 




+ 




Lats CO id lunch ffismbrp?;) 


-t- 


+ 


Food 










Spanish surname 


-^ 


+ 




Elite surname 




+ 


Names 


1 
i 









-39- 

Table 2-1 
continued 



a 



R^- e^5 to nnnLA. which, in Sarata, designates the sale of one's labor 
tc. m.ney. A campesino may pay a worker; however, it is the right of 
the worKers to aecide whether to exchange labor for labor o- labor for 
money. Histi_s may offer no choice. 'auui v. laoor tor 

Refers to the willingness to walk long distances without transport 
iSLnurmSSs'Si^rt.^^^ °^^^" -'''' ^' ' Place c,m,esMsSal^to 

'coffee growing region in Tambopata Valley, Sandia province, Puno depart 

^f^fwf •'"^^i''^^'''^'^""^''' ^^" ^^^"' ^"^ Santa Rosa de Lima. 
Town fiestas include Santa Cruz and Exaltaci6n de la Cruz. 



-40- 



while leading citizens of the town agreed that indios live in the 
countryside,, they hastened to point out that numerous people live in 
the town who certainly are not leading citizens. 

This indicates that there is a town-dwelling population which does 
not fit well into the campesino vs. misti distinction made by people 
from the countryside or the vecino vs. indio distinction made by social- 
ly elite town families. Saratenos do indeed recognize the existence of 
a third social category, but do not have a name for it. This third 
group constitutes an unmarked category. 

When this unmarked category is included in Table 2-2 under the 
heading of "town Aymara," the features elicited as distinguishing social 
categories do have behavioral correlates. The categories of campesino 
and vecino are clearly distinguished from one another with regard to 
nearly all of the features listed. The "town Aymara" share some features 
with the campesinos and some with the vecinos, but the total complex of 
features which characterizes the town Aymara clearly shows it to be 
distinct from either of the other two social categories. 

Table 2-2 shows that only three of the features regarded as dis- 
tinguishing the social strata of the population do not yield a contrast 
when tested by direct observation. These are found in the domains of 
surnames, dress, and language. Spanish surnames penetrated the country- 
side of Sarata soon after the conquest, when many people adopted them 
as well as given names for the purpose of baptism. There is evidence 
that people did not have surnames in the European sense prior to the 
time of the conquest. Parish baptismal records indicate that the in- 
heritance of a surname did not follow a European pattern in Sarata until 
the beginning of the 18th century, although it is not clear what the 



■41- 



Table 2-2 
Distinguishing Features of Social Stratification 



Features 


Campesino 


Town 

Aymara 


Vecinc 


Doma i n 


works own fields 
Sells labor 
Hires labor 
Exchanges labor 
Has maid 
Children herd 
Walks to border 
Owns land in Tambopata 
Makes own poncho 


+ 
+ 

+ 

+ 
+ 

+ 
+ 


+ 

+ 
+ 

+ 

+ 

+ 


+ 
+ 


- 

Work 


Adventist 

Catholic 
Sunday mass--morning 
Sunday mass-eveninq 


+ 
+ 


+ 
+ 


+ 


Religion 
Language 

Residence 

Dress 

Human/ 
non-human 

Food 
Names 










ojjtdKi. ::ipamsn 
Speaks Aymara 


+ 
-f- 


+ 


+ 
+ 


Lives in town 
Lives in community 
Carnaval-campo dance aroup 
Carnaval-town dance group 
Celebrates campo fiestas 
Celebrates town fiestas 


+ 
+ 

+ 


+ 
+ 

4 
+ 
+ 


+ 

+ 
+ 


Wears ojotas or qoes barefoot 

Wears shoes 

Wears poll era skirt (women) 


+ 
+ 

+ 


+ 
+ 
+ 


+ 
+ 


- ' 


tmnly members killed in 1923 
Family members attacked com- 
munities in 1923 
Greets all people he/she knows 
Does not greet everyone 


+ 
+ 


+ 

+ 


+ 


1 

fM r \ " ■ . 


Shares rood 


+ 


+ 






tats hot lunch (almuerzo) 
Eats cold lunch (fiamhrp^) 


+ 


+ 
+ 


+ 




Spanish surname 
El ite surname 


+ 


+ 


+ 
+ 





-42- 



pattern of surname Inheritance was. The decline of the Native American 
population due to disease and forced labor as well as the massive re- 
settlement of the population that occurred after the conquest also 
facilitated the penetration of Spanish surnames into the Sarata country- 
side. In later years, many people have found it to their economic and 
social advantage to adopt Spanish surnames. It seems that Spanish sur- 
names are identified with the misti/vecino stratum not because this 
group has them and the other strata do not, but because Spanish sur- 
names are used as a metonym representing a general orientation toward 
Spanish values. 

Clothing is another area which people agree varies according to 
social category; however, at the present time, objectively defineable 
clothing differences corresponding to social strata are minimal. In 
fact, the only obvious difference is that someone belonging to the 
vecino stratum will never wear ojotas , rubber tire sandals, or go bare- 
footed. People from all social strata wear shoes at least part of the 
time. Women from all social strata wear the full-cut poll era skirts and 
derby hats. In the past, however, the campesino population was subject 
to dress proscriptions which prohibited them from wearing shoes and 
limited clothing items to those made from homespun wool. Campesino men 
wore knee-length pants and a tunic-style shirt, while women wore poll eras 
and blouses, all made of ba^^^ta, or homespun wool. Vecino men wore the 
Western style of the period, while the women wore poll eras and blouses 
which were of finer fabrics than homespun wool. 

Today, campesino men rarely wear short pants, although they fre- 
quently wear homespun clothing while working in the fields. For con- 
ducting business in town or attending a celebration, they will frequently 



-43- 



dress as "stylishly" as any vecino . Campesino women customarily wear 
homespun poll eras for field work and others of finer material in town 
or on special occasions. There are also campesino women who wear 
Western-style slacks and skirts. Vecino women may wear poll eras , 
though not of homespun wool, or Western skirts and slacks. 

Dress proscriptions were imposed by the Spanish as a visual marker 
of rndio social status and they remained in effect for that same pur- 
pose until the present century. In 1923, dress proscriptions were one 
of the issues that contributed to an outbreak of violence between campe - 
sinos and vecinos in Sarata and the surrounding region. In the wake of 
that disturbance, dress proscriptions were less frequently observed and 
enforced until they eventually fell into disuse. Although there are no 
active restrictions on how campesinos dress today, there are vecinos 
who continue to enjoy making snide remarks about people who they thin: 
dress too well for their station in life. The memory of dress restric- 
tions causes people to agree that they are a marker of differences i- 
social status, although it is difficult to observe them functioning in 
the present. 

Language is also agreed to be a marker of social categories in 
Sarata, and for some people, it continues to be an issue of tremendous 
emotional impact. As was the case with dress proscriptions, it is dif- 
ficult to objectively define differences in language use which correspond 
to differences between social strata in the present, although in the 
recent past, social strata were distinguished by very real language 
differences. At the present time, most vecinos are bilingual in Spanish 
and Aymara, although there are monolingual Aymara-speakers among the 
women. Perhaps one-half of the campesinos are bilingual, with their 



-44- 



proficiency in Spanish varying from complete fluency to very poor con- 
trol. Through the school system, increasing numbers of campesino 
children are becoming proficient in Spanish. 

In the past, campeslnos were prohibited from speaking Spanish. 
Some, of course, did, but the vecinos sanctioned the use of Spanish by 
""^P^'^'"°s with violence and even death. Spanish was a monopoly of the 
vecinos which assured them a mediating role between the campesinos and 
the government, the legal system, or other interests from outside 
Sarata. By maintaining a monopoly on the use of Spanish, the bilingual 
vecinoi assured themselves a monopoly on things such as legal or social 
justice and economic opportunity. Since most of the vecino families of 
Sarata do not appear to have been large landowners,^ this mediating 
role was a principal source of economic wealth for many of them. 

Thus, in the 1920s, when campesinos began establishing schools in 
their communities for the purpose of learning to speak, read, and write 
Spanish, it was an "insurrectionary act" that contributed directly to 
the violence of 1923 mentioned above. Since this incident, the knowledge 
of Spanish among campesinos has grown and their right to attend school 
and obtain an education has been generally accepted, but this came only 
at the cost of numerous campesino lives. Language, the means by which 
the vecinos maintained their domination of the district, continued to 
be regarded as a major factor distinguishing them from campesinos . 



5,, . . . 

Vecino ramilies did control much of the choice irrigated land aground 
the town, as well as particularly valuable plots throughout the district 
Many campesinos claim that they still own more than their share of the 
besu irrigated -and. However, these holdings were the vecino families' 
'subsistence plots" and did not constitute haciendas. W^ large 
the nacendaao and vecino families of Sarata have not been composed of 
the same people. ^ 



-45- 



Although the features of surnames, dress, and language are not 
clear markers of social status in the present, they do call attention 
to some interesting features of sarateno social relations. For ex- 
ample, the difference noted between male and female dress among the 
vecinoi, with the men wearing the style of the day and the women tend- 
ing to favor poll era skirts, and the presence of monolingual Aymara 
speakers among the vecino women, suggest that vecino women may have 
closer ties with the non-elite social strata than one might anticipate. 
Galdo (1962) has noted that in the nearby district of Vilquechico, 
elite women tend to marry men from outside of the district and leave 
to reside in other areas. Many elite men remain in Vilquechico and 
marry women of lower social position. Participant observation in Sarata 
confirmed that vecino males there also frequently marry women of lower 
social standing. 

The social strata of Sarata that have been defined on the basis of 
the features listed in Tables 2-1 and 2-2 may be tested through parti- 
cipant observation. Table 2-3 summarizes those features which most 
frequently involve easily observable behavior that requires interaction 
between individuals of distinct social strata. Interactions between 
individuals in the respective social categories are listed in the left- 
hand margin. The horizontal axis denotes particular kinds of inter- 
actions. The first five interactions are drawn directly from Tables 
2-1 and 2-2. Compadrazqo , or "godparenthood," and marriage are not 
included in the list of features marking social differences, but are 
included here as important interactions which may be observed directly. 
Table 2-3 clearly shows that asymmetrical social behavior characterizes 
the relations among members of the respective social strata of campesinos . 



-46- 



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CD QJ 

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a; T3 
s- o 
fo o 

oo 



1/1 s- 
ct O 

fo o 



4-) 

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+ 



+ + 



+ 



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' ~— ' r'r' — "-— - - 



-47- 



town Aymara, and vecinos defined by the features listed in Tables 2-1 
and 2-2. 

It is of interest that "town Aymara" is a locally recognized but 
unlabel led social stratum. This has to do with the fact that the "town 
Aymara" is a group that has emerged relatively recently. The struggle 
over dress proscriptions, going to school, and learning Spanish was wery 
much a struggle over how people were going to earn a living in the 
coming years. As cam.pesinos began to free themselves from the domina- 
tion of the vecinos , the economic base of the vecino social stratum 
began to shrink. Particularly during the last twenty years, large num- 
bers of vecinos have left Sarata, unable to remain in the town and 
maintain an acceptable lifestyle. Many have opted for attending a 
university and becoming a professional. These individuals now reside 
with their families in diverse large urban centers which provide employ- 
ment for people with professional training. 

At the same time, campesinos dedicated themselves with a vengeance 
to numerous jobs involving manual labor and direct participation in 
commerce, jobs which, although they may have been lucrative, were con- 
sidered inappropriate by most vecinos for people of their social posi- 
tion. As the vecinos left town, their property has been acquired by 
prosperous people from the countryside seeking easier access to trans- 
port and storage facilities, the town high school, and amenities such 
as running water and electric lighting at night. They added their 
j numbers to the small group of artisans and craft specialists that had 
*. resided in the town to form a new social stratum in the town. While 
I the "town Aymara" lack the social status of the vecinos they certainly 
far surpass the-n in terms of their present economic power. 



- 



III! I'—i I > I I IWl 



-48- 



These facts signify a breakdown in whatever correlation had pre- 
viously existed between high social status and economic wealth. It is 
interesting that wealth was not mentioned by people in Sarata as a marker 
of social status. Indeed, the names of vecino families never come up 
1n discussions concerning who are the wealthiest families in the district. 
Even cam^eonos who reside full time in the countryside may be actively 
engaged in a lucrative economic activity. It is, in fact, difficult to 
find a camoesino in the district of Sarata who does not either own 
outright or share an interest in a piece of property in the town for 
the purpose of facilitating his or her negocio , or "business." 

Although Sarata may be a particularly dramatic example, the weaken- 
ing of the relationship between social status and economic class appears 
to have occurred throughout the department of Puno. Bourricaud (1967). 
for example, observed similar processes at work in and around the city 
of Puno in the early 1950s. They prompted him to discuss at length the 
differences among cholos, Indios, and mestizos, as he labelled the social 
strata he was observing, focusing upon the questions of which group 
was "more Indian" and why. 

The acquisition of wealth by members of the campesino and "town 
Aymara" social strata of Sarata has placed them in diverse relationships 
with the capitalist economy. Subsistence agriculture remains outside 
the sphere of the capitalist mode of production. However, cam.pesinos 
and "town Aymara" are involved in activities which place them in the 
roles of wage laborers, independent mercantilists, and the employers 
of what are frequently large numbers of wage laborers. The class dif- 
ferentiations of complex capitalist society cut across the lines of 
social stratification recognized by sarateflos . 



-49- 



Economic Class 



Diversity is the most salient feature of economic activities in 

I Sarata, particularly among the campesino and "town Aymara" social 

strata. During the course of a year, the members of a single nuclear 

^ household may be involved in subsistence agriculture on their fields in 

I the district, wage labor in industrialized agriculture near the Peruvian 

coast, a job in an urban area, the cultivation of cash crops such as 

coffee and citrus in the tropical Tambopata Valley of Sandia province, 

j or in the smuggling of goods back and forth across the international 

border with Bolivia. Many individuals are also trade specialists, such 
.1 
^ as carpenters, artisans, or mechanics. This diversification of economic 

activities may be seen as an extension of the traditional agricultural 
i 
I practice of owning numerous small plots dispersed over a relatively 

J large area and of maximizing the diversity of varieties present for each 
j c'"0P gi'own. This helps provide protection against localized frost and 
! hailstorms and reduce losses in the face of disease or blight, very 
I, common phenomena in the insecure physical environment of the altiplano . 
In the same way, the diversification of economic activities provides a 
measure of protection in the face of an insecure social and economic 
environment, which does afford opportunities, but over which individuals 
, can exert no control (Painter 1978; 1979). Such a diversified strategy 
I is made possible by a very flexible sexual division of labor, which 
! allows households to schedule the labor of their members to best ad- 
vantage and to continue functioning as productive units despite pro- 

I longed absences by some members (Collins 1981). 
I 

The diversified economic strategy followed by households in Sarata 

involves them, both in capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production. 



-50- 



Subsistence agriculture belongs to the domain of non-capitalist produc- 
tion. In this case, households own the means of production and do not 
employ others to meet their labor needs. During peak periods of agri- 
cultural activity, labor requirements that the household does not have 
the resources to satisfy are met through exchange relationships with 
other households that also require additional labor. The resulting 
agricultural production is not sold, but is used by the household to 
satisfy its own nutritional needs. 

The practice of some specialized trade such as carpentry, in a 
rural cominunity, is another activity that does not involve the producer 
in a capitalist mode of production as it has been defined here. The 
person with the trade owns the means of production and does not normally 
employ additional labor. If additional labor is needed, it is generally 
provided either by family members or by the customer. Frequently, the 
specialist works in order to reciprocate or insure labor services per- 
formed by others in agricultural activities in the household fields. 
A specialist carrying out a trade in a rural community of Sarata is 
invariably a subsistence agriculturalist as well. 

A specialist who goes to an urban area to sell a skill for wages 
participates in the capitalist mode of production. Migration to urban 
areas in search of wage labor is an economic option for both skilled 
and unskilled laborers from Sarata. The majority of unskilled laborers 
are drawn to the industrial agricultural enterprises in the Arequipa 
area, as well as other sections of the Peruvian coast. A smaller number 
is involved in mining. Carpenters and bricklayers often find employment 
in the construction industry, which is also concentrated in the coastal 
region. Most migration to urban areas is seasonal, with the migratory 



■51- 



periods being determined by slack periods in the Sarata agricultural 
cycle, 

Most urban migrants are men. People feel that women are not 
treated with proper respect in the cities and that the jobs open to 
them do not pay as well as the jobs that are given to men. When women 
migrate to the cities in search of wage labor, the employment they 
usually find is as domestic help. The women who migrate are usually 
young and unmarried. Employment as a wage laborer is the clearest ex- 
ample among the capitalist economic activities engaged in by the people 
of Sarata of individuals owning none of the means of production and 
selling their labor as a commodity. 

Smuggling is an activity in which people may become involved in a 
number of ways, and which takes a number of different forms. The most 
constant flow of goods in recent years has consisted of small electrical 
appliances such as tape recorders, radios, television sets, and type- 
writers entering Peru from Bolivia. Manufactured foodstuffs such as 
canned milk, sugar, noodles, and cooking oil, as well as wool, wool 
products, and wool-bearing animals were the goods flowing in largest 
quantities from the opposite direction. The profitability of ventures 
Involving these goods is created by the Bolivian policy of unrestricted, 
low- tariff imports of manufactured goods and few controls on food prices 
combined with high import duties on manufactured goods in Peru.^ 



With the election of Fernando Belaunde Terry as president of Peru 
this situation began to change. Food prices, though still controlled 
nnnHc'h''^'^'^ dramatically and import restrictions on manufactured ' 
goods have been eased. This stimulated some reorientation in the 
contraband traae, which was still in a period of flux in December 



nmMciV^i^timSim 



-52- 



People who engage in smuggling as a source of cash income range 
from individuals who buy passage on a truck to the border to go there 
on foot and buy only a radio or two for later resale in Juliaca to 
people who own trucks and employ numerous workers in their operations. 
The large-scale smugglers, who are frequently from rural communities, 
thus assume the role of capitalists in their own right, owning the means 
of production, in this case transport facilities, and employing the 
labor of others for wages. It is also the large-scale smugglers who, 
by and large, provide the transportation for those operating on a much 
smaller scale. 

It may be argued that the small-scale smugglers are involved only 
in simple mercantilist production, employing no one as they transport 
goods from one area to another for the purpose of earning a profit. 
However, the goods smuggled are all tied to international capitalist ' 
enterprises, electronics firms, food processing, and distributing com- 
panies, and the world wool market. The number of people and trucks 
based in Sarata is greater than could be supported by locally generated 
transport requirements. They reflect a local response to opportunity 
created by economic phenomena characteristic of areas experiencing 
capitalist penetration, increased demand for imported and processed 
foodstuffs and for consumer goods. The Sarata smugglers bring the goods 
together with the areas of most solvent demand, and their own financial 
success depends upon being sensitive to changes in market conditions. 
Thus, smuggling as it exists today is both a product of and a vehicle 
for continued capitalist penetration of the region. 

Smuggling is interesting because of the role women play in the 
activity. Both men and women are smugglers; but locally, women are 



-53- 



regarded as being better at it than men. When a woman in a rural com- 
munity becomes directly involved in earning cash as part of the house- 
hold productive strategy, she most often begins a "business" ( negocio ) 
in which at least petty smuggling plays a role. However, women are by 
no means limited to the ranks of small-scale smuggling. They are the 
owners of some of the larger enterprises as well, owning trucks and 
employing male drivers. Smuggling is an activity pertaining to the 
capitalist mode of production in which a woman may excel without having 
to suffer the wage discrimination and decline in social status involved 
in going to the cities. 

The production of coffee and citrus fruit in the tropical Tambopata 
Valley of Sandia province is another activity pertaining to the capital- 
ist mode of production in which people from Sarata are involved. There 
has been contact between these two regions at least since the Incaic 
period; however, large numbers of people first became involved in coffee 
and citrus production in the mid-1950s. Citrus fruit is marketed through 
private entrepreneurs, being sold primarily in the altiplano region, 
although some fruit is taken as far away as Lima. In the early years, 
coffee was also marketed through private entrepreneurs who bulked the 
production of numerous small-scale producers and sold it on the inter- 
national market. Today this function is carried out by government- 
established coffee cooperatives. Producers are prohibited by law from 
selling their coffee anywhere except to the cooperatives, and to do 
this a producer must be a member of a cooperative. The cooperatives 
bulk the coffee and sell it on the international market, where most of 
it is purchased by large companies for conversion into instant 
coffee. 



-54- 



The coffee and citrus are produced on small, privately owned plots. 
The mean landholding in the area occupies 3.5 hectares and the median 
is two hectares. A person acquires a plot of land by staking a claim to 
an unoccupied or unutilized area, clearing it, and bringing it under 
production. Land may also be obtained by purchasing it from another 
individual or through inheritance. Not all of a person's landholdings 
are dedicated to the production of coffee and citrus. Subsistence plots 
are maintained so that producers may grow at least a part of their own 
food. 

During peak labor periods, particularly the harvest, labor is in- 
variably in short supply. This need is generally satisfied by hiring 
laborers to pick the coffee and citrus. They are paid a daily wage 
determined by how much they are able to pick. A producer's home com- 
munity is a primary source of this labor. Friends and relatives are 
invited to work and earn some money. The offer to work is frequently 
accepted because the daily wage for coffee picking is higher than for 
I most jobs available to unskilled workers— about $2.00-$4.00 per day. 

In addition to their wages, a producer must provide laborers with 
their meals and a place to sleep. For many, working as a laborer in the 
coffee and citrus fields provides them with a means of learning the 
techniques of tropical agriculture in anticipation of claiming their 
own lands. The money earned working as laborers is a means by which 
potential new producers may maintain themselves during the three to 
seven year period between the planting of coffee and citrus trees and 
the time they come into production. Producers who employ relatives and 
neighbors as pickers will frequently work for them in the arduous task 
of clearing new land. 



i 



-55- 



The revenues which result from cash cropping in the tropical valley 
are invested in the highland community. The migration to the area is 
permanent insofar as someone owning land there will continue to go year 
after year and the practice will be taken up by offspring who either 
inherit the landholdings of their parents or have cleared new land- 
holdings of their own. However, it is seasonal, with trips to the 
tropical area being determined by the demands of the highland agricul- 
tural cycle. The Tambopata Valley may thus be seen as a productive 
zone of the highlands. Producers have very little interest in long- 
term conservation efforts in the region. The steep slopes of the 
hillsides rising up froni the valley are badly eroded in many areas. 
After a number of years productivity decreases due to a decline in soil 
fertility. When this occurs, the response is simply to clear land 
further down in the valley. 

A single household will commonly participate in some combination 
of these productive activities, or, in some cases, a household may be 
involved in all of them. A household thus participates in both capi- 
talistic and non-capitalist activities, and its class position may be 
that of subsistence agriculturalists, of wage laborers, or of capitalist 
entrepreneurs, depending upon when one chooses to look and upon which 
activities attention is focused. The essence of the strategy is to 
maintain all of the activities as viable alternatives and to utilize 
them to best advantage according to the resources of the household and 
the relative opportunities the different activities present at any 
particular time. 

The diversity of the activities that comprise a household's over- 
all productive strategy tends to be less marked among higher social 



-56- 



status families. Among campesino families, all of the activities that 
have been described here are possible ways of earning an income. In 
addition, virtually every campesino community has produced people who 
have received post-secondary school training and occupy "professional" 
positions. Most of these people, of course, no longer live in their 
communities because there is no employment there for them, although many 
do maintain close contacts with their communities. A few campesinos , 
however, have been certified as school teachers and have been assigned 
to a school in their home communities, where they reside and work. Thus, 
within the campesino communities one can also find "professionals" 
participating in the productive strategy. 

Members of the "town Aymara" group also participate in all of the 
activities described, although they are more likely than the campesinos 
to have a specialized trade. This tends to orient their productive 
strategies. In many cases, for example, the desire to practice a trade 
as an important source of cash income is what prompted a household to 
take up residence in the town and be "town Aymara" rather than campe- 
sinos in the first place. 

Veclnoi are the most limited social group in terms of the income- 
generating activities in which they engage. Most vecino families own 
land on which they grow food to satisfy a large part of their sub- 
sistence needs; however, they do not realize the labor themselves. 
Rather, they hire people from the lower social strata to do all the 
manual labor for them. Many of the vecino families are involved in the 
contraband trade across the Bolivian border. They use the social rela- 
tions they have with the regional political, military, and police 
authorities to minimize the legal difficulties they are likely to 



-57- 



encounter. Among the lower social strata, the people who run large 
smuggling operations must rely on bribes to buy protection. This 
generally works, but there are no guarantees that an official who 
accepts a bribe not to interfere with a smuggling operation will not 
accept a bigger bribe to enforce the law in a particular case. Petty 
smugglers simply must hope they are not caught and associate themselves 
as closely as possible with someone who is thought to be protected. 

While the vecinos are involved in smuggling, they do not involve 
themselves in the mechanics of exchanging money or transporting goods. 
These tasks are carried out by people of the other social strata who 
work for the vecinos in return for wages and help in dealing with legal 
or bureaucratic problems and other favors. Vecinos do not engage in 
trades such as carpentry, mechanics, or artisanry, and they will work 
for wages only in the capacity of "professionals," accepting positions 
as teachers or bureaucrats. Most of the vecinos in Sarata who have jobs 
work as teachers and bureaucrats in the local school system. Although 
such occupations carry with them professional status appropriate for 
someone from a vecino family, they are not characterized by particularly 
high salaries. This, combined with their limited participation in the 
other major economic activities of Sarata and the zeal with which the 
lower social strata have participated in them, means that there are 
numerous non-vecino households which control more wealth than the 
vecino households do. Vecinos do retain some prerogatives of their 
social status. Most non- vecinos behave deferentially in their presence, 
for example. However, economically they are losing ground to the other 
social strata, and with the passage of time their numbers are declining 
In Sarata, as many of them go elsewhere in search of more abundant 
opportunities compatible with their social position. 



-58- 



Subsistence Strategies and Capitalist Expansj 



on 



Compared to other areas of the Peruvian altiplano Sarata is an 
area of abundance. Its climate contributes to greater agricultural 
yields than are characteristic of most of the surrounding region. Its 
long history of contact with distant regions of the Peruvian coast and 
the tropical valleys on the eastern slopes of the Andes in Peru and 
Bolivia, combined with a location on the international border between 
these two countries, has presented the inhabitants of the area with al- 
ternative courses of action that people in many areas experiencing 
capitalist penetration have not enjoyed. In fact, capitalist penetra- 
tion brought to Sarata not only increased needs for cash, but increased 
opportunities for earning it, particularly in areas such as the produc- 
tion of cash crops and in trade and transport. There were, and continue 
j to be, numerous unresolved conflicts and questions regarding the access 
, of these opportunities and the distribution of the wealth resulting 
I from them. In spite of these problems, saratenos have thus far been 
1 very successful in comparison with many other rural Latin American 

populations in dealing with the changing social and economic conditions 
around them. 

The nature of Sarata 's modus vivendi in the face of capitalist 
penetration does raise profound and disturbing questions for those 
concerned with problems of rural development, however. Regional urban 
centers have grown tremendously in population, particularly in the past 
40 years. These population increases have generated like increases in 
urban food demand. Yet in a productive area such as Sarata, agricul- 
tural production is strictly a subsistence activity. With the exception 






-59- 



of small quantities of cheeses and some vegetables such as tomatoes, 
no food grown in Sarata is sold in response to urban food demands. 

The maintenance of a non-capitalist, subsistence agriculture sector 
in the household productive strategy can also tell us a lot about the 
nature of capitalist expansion into the region. The participation of 
the household in the diverse activities open to it is determined by its 
ability to meet its basic subsistence needs through agriculture. 
People come and go according to the demands agriculture places upon 
their time and labor. The scheduling of other activities is tailored 
to the agricultural cycle and not vice versa. This is because, although 
diverse, economic options available to sarateB os are wery tenuous. They 
may change radically or disappear altogether with a drop in the world 
market price of coffee or a change in government policy regarding ex- 
ports and imports. Maintaining different activities within the capital- 
ist mode of production provides some insurance should an event which 
caused a particular activity to no longer be a viable option occur. 
Furthermore, a household which is careful to maintain control over the 
production of its basic food needs also has some control over when and 
where it will enter the capitalist sphere of production. 

The central ity of subsistence agriculture to formulating household 
economic strategies is also revealing with regard to the nature of 
capitalist penetration. The economic activities which pertain to the 
capitalist mode of production do not yield enough money and other re- 
sources to maintain a household throughout the year. The capitalist 
activities are either seasonal in their labor demands, or their legal 
status makes them risky as full time employment to all but the most 
large-scale participants. The enterprises associated with capitalist 



-50- 



penetration of Sarata depend upon the continued existence of a non- 
capitalist mode of production to meet the subsistence needs of the 
labor force they require. 

The implications of these conditions for the development of the 
region are numerous. This thesis will examine the productivities engaged 
in by the household productive units of Sarata and analyze the ration- 
ality of the overall productive strategy both from the perspective of 
the household and from the perspective of the overall system in which 
the household operates. This system is characterized by the articulation 
of capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production. A peasant economy 
such as found in Sarata is not simply the product of market forces 
seeking equilibrium, but is the product of broad social forces within 
the framework of a particular historical process. It is these forces 
upon which the present work focuses its attention. 



■t^c^^**i )^l»* 1*^ 



CHAPTER III 
THE INTEGRATION OF SARATA INTO REGION AND NATION 

Introduction 

In order to understand the economic situation of Sarata, it is 
necessary to look beyond the boundaries of tiie district. Such bound- 
aries are both temporal and geographic. The contemporary strategies 
employed by sarateBo households have historical continuities with the 
strategies observed by the earliest Europeans to write about the area. 
Although the specific productive activities have changed dramatically 
over time, households have been constant in their efforts to maintain 
diversity in their economic interests. By involving themselves in 
diverse economic activities, households have maintained flexibility for 
responding to changing social, economic, and environmental conditions. 

The district of Sarata has been dominated by outside interests 
since the Incaic period, when state policies which affected its history 
were formulated in Cuzco. During the viceroyalty, general policy 
formulation took place at the Spanish court, with implementation being 
the responsibility of officials in Lima. Since Peru became independent, 
Lima has been the site of policy fonnulation by national elites and 
international economic interests. 

Within the regional economy, the city of Juliaca has exercised a 
tremendous influence over Sarata and all of southern Peru. A product 
of capitalist expansion into the altiplano via the construction of the 



-61- 



'■niiiMi4iinMtt-ini:<. 



-62- 



Southern Peruvian Railway at the end of the 19th century, Juliaca is 
the transportation nexus for the entire region. It is now the major 
center of capitalist expansion in Puno department. Merchants radiate 
outward from it seeking to expand consumer markets and the accumulation 
of capital within the city has stimulated the growth of numerous enter- 
prizes. 

One might argue that capitalist expansion into the Sarata region 
was inevitable. However, the specific nature of this expansion cannot 
be understood without reference to the goals and policies of those 
groups which have held national power and international economic in- 
terests. For districts in the altiplano , these policies constitute an 
environmental factor as real and as uncertain as temperature and rain- 
fall, and their productive decisions reflect their view of national 
economic policy just as surely as they do their understanding of pro- 
duction on the altiplano . For districts of the altiplano , these poli- 
cies become reality, for better or worse in Juliaca. By understanding 
this, we also understand what Sarata has in common with the rest of the 
^^^"'"P"'Q"° ^^^' "in a ^ore general way, with the rest of the nation. 

The Integration of Sarata 

The term "integration" has commonly had two meanings when applied 
to Native American populations in Latin America. One meaning refers to 
the organization of these populations into a force for providing the 
dominant groups or classes with labor, food, and other goods. It is 
generally assumed that the dominant groups or classes have something to 
offer in return, such as protection from extenal aggression, public 



-63- 



works, or salvation and enlightenment. It also tends to be assumed 
that, over time, the presumed reciprocity of these relationships will 
give rise to integration in the second sense. This refers to the foma- 
tion of a polity composed of social groups or classes that, while they 
may have divergent interests vis a vis their relationships with one 
another, perceive it in their common interest to maintain and defend 
the polity. There is ample documentation to show that Sarata has been 
Integrated into larger social, political, and economic structures at 
least since the Incaic period. Integration in the second sense, how- 
ever, has been tenuous. 

The arrival of the Spanish in Sarata constituted an unprecedented 
break with the past in the organization of production. The regional 
chiefdoms of the aitipjjno, which only 60 years earlier had been brought 
under the control of the Inca empire, were faced with new forms of 
domination. During the years immediately after the conquest, the 
principal interest of the new lords was in finding and appropriating as 
much of the gold and silver of. the region as they could. The Spanish 
lost no time in arriving in the gold mining centers in the valleys of 
the Carabaya region. Prior to 1550, the town of San Juan del Ore had 
been established as a major gold mining town, and by the end of the 
16th century, the Carabaya region was reknowned throughout the Spanish 
dominions as the major gold mining center of Peru (Maurtua 1905:1, 
185-186,329). 

The obligations of saratenoi to the Spaniards multiplied with the 
discovery of silver in Potosi, in 1545. The people of the region were 
tapped as a source of labor for the tremendous new mine. The labor tax, 
or niit:a, of Potosf was greatly feared by the people of Sarata, as very 



-64- 



few of those who went as tributaries ever returned to their homes. This 
was partly due to the cruel and dangerous working conditions of the 
mine. However, simple economic reasons also prevented many people from 
returning home. Entire households made the trip to the mine, so that a 
family's fields often went uncultivated for the duration of their 
tribute period. The animals and stored food that had been accumulated 
over many years were depleted, since households had to take these pro- 
visions to sustain themselves during their journey to Potosf and during 
their period of labor. Numerous people who survived the forced labor 
did not have sufficient provisions left to make the long journey home 
and pass a year in which there would be no harvest. Under these circum- 
stances, many families settled in the valleys near Potosf, where land 
was available for cultivation and where, as forasteros , or "outsiders," 
they could not be named for mit'a service again (Toledo 1975:355-356). 
The memory of labor tribute remains with the people of Sarata to 
the present day. The spot where the principal route to Bolivia passes 
through the hills to leave the lakeside area and heads westward across 
the alti piano is known as putusi punku , or the "gateway to Potosf." 
According to legend, at putusi punku, people who were going to work in 
the mines would perform a divination ceremony in which a guinea pig or a 
rabbit would be released. If it squeaked or made a noise as it ran 
away, the person who released it would return home safely. If the 
animal fled in silence, the person was destined to die in the mines. 

In 1573, an interview was carried out in the town of Carabuco, on 
the northern shore of Lake Titicaca, with the caciques of the towns of 
Guaycho, Carabuco, and Sarata. The interview was held so that the 
Spanish authorities might gather information on the suggestion that the 



-65- 



people from these areas be sent exclusively to the gold mines of Cara- 
baya to perform their labor services rather than to Potosf. It was 
argued that the seasonal nature of the work in Carabaya mines would 
allow laborers to maintain agricultural production on the altipl ano 
while they mined for gold. The authorities decided that the people of 
this region should cease going to Potosf and return to Carabaya. Half 
of their tribute obligation would be satisfied by the gold they mined ' 
in the valleys and half by the food they produced. If it subsequently 
proved to be feasible to increase gold production, the region's tribute 
obligation in gold would be increased and the amount of food required 
would be reduced (Relaciones Geogrgficas de Indias 1965:68-71). 

Sarata and the surrounding areas were originally administered as 
part of the _e^omj_e_nda. system. People who were granted an encomienda 
did not receive a title to an extension of land, but rather were given 
the right of lordship to an area. This included the right to exact 
tribute in the fonr, of labor, goods, and services from the population 
of the area defined in the enco mie nda. The encomendero was responsible, 
in turn, for insuring that the subjugated population was treated fairly 
as this was defined by law, for overseeing the religious education of 
the population, and for providing for the defense of the area in the 
name of the Crown of Castille. 

The encomien da of Sarata was first granted to three men, Felipe 
Gutierrez, Francisco de Carvajal, and a captain Soto. These men deter- 
mined the early tribute obligations and how labor would be distributed 
to fulfill them. The extent of the lands included in the different 
encomienda grants of the region apparently changed several times, as 
did the individuals charged with being encomenderos (Relaciones 



-66- 



i^oaraflca^d^indlas 1965:68-69). By the period of 1578-1583, when a 
list was compiled of the lords, officials, tributaries, and other people 
in the region, Sarata had passed through the hands of the encomendera, 
dona Marina Munarrez Navarro, and had subsequently reverted to the 
Crown (Maurtua 1906:1,188). 

In 1565, the colonial authorities introduced the corregimientos dP 
Indlos as the basic administrative units of the Peruvian domains. Four 
conieaimientos were cut out of the region in which _saratenos had been 
engaging in their productive activities. These were the corregimientos 
of Larecaja and Omasuyos in the territory that belongs to Bolivia today, 
and the correaimientoi of Paucarcolla and Carabaya in what is now Peru. 
Saignes (1978) notes that the administrative units created artificial 
divisions in what had been a single productive region. 

More significant than the political reorganization was the dmo- 
graphic reorganization that the Spanish worked upon the region. The 
most notable effect was the decline in the number of people. While the 
aItl£lano region did not suffer the massive depopulation experienced by 
areas such as the Peruvian coast, the decline was quite significant 
nonetheless. SSnchez-Albornoz (1978:34) estimates that the population 
dropped by 60 percent between the eve of the conquest and 1693. 

The order by the Viceroy Toledo, in 1571, that the Indians congre- 
gate in villages, or reducciones, for the purpose of facilitating their 
religious training and general administration dramatically altered the 
land tenure pattern in the district. The concentration of the producers 
in a settlement separated them from many of their dispersed productive 
plots. Parish records found in the church of Sarata indicate that, 
sometime prior to 1720, a second reduction town had been established 



* I - ymrfe ««cwj£tr: ■*.-< 



-67- 



in the district, to the east and slightly north of the district capital. 
This town was established on the site of some pre-Columbian ruins, and 
later became a nucleated hacienda settlement. This second town may 
have been established for the benefit of highland herders, whose alpaca 
could not survive when brought into the lakeside area surrounding the- 
district capital . 

The heavy Spanish tribute obligations brought about another major 
demographic change in the Sarata region. Massive numbers of people left 
their homelands to escape paying tribute in goods and labor. When they 
moved to another province, they were classified as forasteros, or "out- 
siders," by the authorities and were not subject to the tribute. Sanchez- 
Albornoz (1978:60) notes that, in 1684, in the sixteen provinces subject 
to the mira of Potosi plus the provinces of Cuzco and Arequipa, nearly 
half of the population was classified as forastero . The forasteros 
constituted up to 90 percent of the total population in some areas. 
Evidence from Sarata is consistent with these findings. Church regis- 
ters record the deaths of some 900 people in the district in the year 
1720 as a result of a major epidemic that affected the area. Of these, 
a full 30 percent were listed as forasteros . 

Obviously the combined factors of population decline, forced re- 
settlement of a significant portion of the population in urban centers, 
and the movements of f orastero ^ had a profound impact upon the poli- 
tical, social, and economic institutions of Sarata in the wake of the 
Spanish conquest. Unfortunately, the paucity of available information 
makes the definition and evaluation of the particulars of this impact 
extremely difficult. 



'^■tfiH.^iwiPwr^.giitri;.- aitf^ ■ 



-58- 



i Despite the designation of the town of Sarata as a reduccion short- 

ly after 1571, it is not entirely clear how large a portion of the 
population actually lived there, or how long the people who actually 
were reduced were forced to stay in the town. There were almost cer- 

I tainly problems in compelling the highland herders to reside in the 
town. They required open pasture and a relatively cold and parasite- 
free environment for their animals to thrive. As noted above, this may 
have provided an impetus to establish a second reduccion in the district 
in an area that was characterized by an environment more suitable for 
large herds of camelids. Cultivators would also have found the town a 
very inconvenient place to reside and maintain production in their 
widely dispersed fields. 

The earliest surviving church records which are still kept in the 
parish of Sarata date from the year 1692. These indicate that the bulk 
of the population of Sarata held membership in one of twelve ayllu. 
During the colonial period, the pre-Hispanic a^MJu became a recognized 
landholding unit with fixed geographical boundaries. Some of the ayHu 
of Sarata were made up of contiguous expanses of land, while the lands 
of other axliu were dispersed and separated by distances of several 
kilometers. The church records indicate to which a^^Jlu individuals 
belonged, but do not indicate where they resided. Residence in the 
town would have posed a major inconvenience to cultivators trying to 
manage an agricultural strategy based upon diversified landholdings, 
particularly once the population of the district began to increase. It 
is not clear, however, when the majority of the people returned to re- 
side in the countryside as they do today. 



-59- 



Two social classes are recognized among the Sarata population in 
the church records. The ^mdios were defined by their membership in an 
MIu. The other class is composed of the vecinos del ^uebjo. Vecinos 
were so defined because their relationship to the Crown exempted them 
from tribute obligations and gave them control over the labor of the 
/ndioi. In spite of changes in the boundaries of the district, the 
transformation of Peru from colony to republic, the subsequent suc- 
cession of republican governments, and some major changes in the 
economic base of the region, the a^^ has remained the basic Indian 
economic and political institution in Sarata until the mid-1960s; and 
the terms vecjno and ^^ndlo (or campesino, in current usage) continue to 
mark the basic social distinctions made by saratenos to the present 
day. 

Another institution which played a role in the integration of 
laratenos into the economic aspirations of the dominant classes was 
the hacienda. The earliest mention of the existence of haciendas in 
Sarata in the parish records is in the first half of the 18th ■ 
century. The haciendas of Sarata were not particularly large in com- 
parison with hacienda holdings in other areas of the Andes, although 
most of the owners are reported to have held land in several of the 
neighboring districts as well. The haciendas of Sarata were concen- 
trated in the northeast of the district, which was the most important 
herding zone. They maintained resident populations of laborers, and 
made the first major introduction of sheep into the district. 

In spite of these various institutions designed to integrate them 
into Spanish colonial society by forcing them to be providers of gold, 
food, and labor services, and despite the human costs that such 



' ^iv I ifn,t tm \i -jm 'ii^Myii In 



-70- 



integration entailed, saratenos managed to cope with Spanish domination. 
Lizarraga (1968:72) noted, in 1609, that the people of the Sarata area 
were among the wealthiest Indians of the Viceroyalty of Peru, more 
wealthy even than the Lupaqa, who lived on the opposite side of Lake 
Titicaca. In addition to providing food as part of their tribute ob- 
ligation and providing for their own subsistence, saratenos and other 
people from the region sold fresh and salted fish in the markets of 
Potosf and Cuzco. While fulfilling their mining obligations in the 
valleys of Carabaya, they found opportunities to sell food, animals, 
and clothing there (Maurtua 1906:1,216,329). Saratenos also partici- 
pated in trading expeditions to the Peruvian coast, taking ch'unu and 
meats down, and bringing back wine, cane alcohol, and fruits (Bueno 
1951). 

Sarata and the Republic 

The Wars of Independence ushered in, or were ushered in by, ideas 
of economic liberalism. The relationship for many between political 
freedom and the freedom to act unhindered in pursuing their economic 
interests was clearly evidenced in the decrees of San Martfn, of 1821, 
in which he abolished Indian tribute and personal services and freed 
the children of the slaves at the same time he declared Peru independent 
of Spanish rule. In 1824, Bolivar declared Indians to be the individual 
owners of the lands they occupied, with the right to sell their lands 
or to alienate them as they chose. This revoked the Spanish colonial 
policy of reserving lands as inalienable to Indian communities, and it 
opened the way for the usurpation of Indian lands and the outright 



"igg»*BP' m iwt»li**>. * 



-71- 



disintegration of many Indian communities for nearly the next one 
hundred years. 

Not everyone felt that liberal economics would be in their in- 
terests, however. San Martin was also forced to promise large land 
grants to his Peruvian generals to insure their loyalty. In 1826, 
with Andres Santa Cruz as acting president, Indian tribute was re- 
established, and, although the children of slaves had been freed in 
1821, slavery was not abolished until 1854. Much of the anarchy that 
characterized Peruvian political life from the Wars of Independence 
through the War of the Pacific may be viewed as a struggle for power 
between those sectors of the Peruvian elite who saw their economic in- 
terests lying with the caste-like socioeconomic structure of the 
colonial period and those who found the liberal economic policies takin; 
hold across Europe more to their liking. As first one constituency and 
then the other gained the upper hand, issues such as personal tribute, 
slavery, and community versus individual land ownership, disappeared 
only to re-emerge with the ebb and flow of the political and military 
tides. 

There were foreign interests which played a major role in this con- 
flict. English wool-exporting houses were present in Peru from early 
in the 19th century and became a financially stable part of the econ- 
omic landscape after the 1850s (Orlove 1977:45-47). Ramon Castilla 
initiated the exploitation of guano by foreign capitalists in 1840, 
during the second presidential term of Agustfn Gamarra. The construc- 
tion of the railroads was initially contracted to a North American, 
Henry Meiggs, and was taken over by the British-owned Peruvian Railway 
Corporation after the War of the Pacific. 



-72- 



Foreign interests were crucial 1n two ways. First, they favored 
policies that would leave their entrepreneurial skills unfettered. 
This translated into a mobile labor force, free to go where it wished 
in search of wage labor and not tied by bonds of personal or customary 
obligation to a landlord or member of the local elite. Secondly, for 
a number of reasons, Peru proved unable to stay out of debt to these 
same foreign interests, and the national elites of the country were 
forced to surrender whatever control they might otherwise have had over 
the operation of foreign capital in Peru. This marked the beginning of 
the loss of control by Peru's traditional agrarian elite over economic 
opportunity in the nation. 

The district of Sarata became a source of cannon fodder for the 
various field marshal Is, generals, and colonels who vied for political 
control over what would eventually become Peru and Bolivia, and hammered 
out the political boundaries between the two new nations. In this re- 
gion, the question of whether or not there should be a tribute obliga- 
tion imposed upon the Indians was largely academic, since the realities 
of the local power structure were such that, law or no law, tribute 
obligations to the landlords and vecino families in the town remained 
in force (Vasquez 1976). 

The first serious attempt to end this state of affairs came with 
the unsuccessful insurrection led by Juan Bustamante in 1867. Bustamante 
was a member of Puno's regional elite who had travelled widely in 
Europe, attained the rank of colonel in the military service, and who 
had represented Puno in the national parliament. In 1867, Bustamante 
led an insurrection against the regional authorities in protest of their 
abuses of the Indian population. The insurrection provoked considerable 



-73- 



alarm in the department of Puno and an irmiediate military response. 
This response was directed by a colonel Andres Recharte, sub-prefect of 
the province of Azangaro. The decisive confrontation between Busta- 
mante and Recharte occurred on a plain just outside of the town of Pusi, 
a district capital of Huancane province. Bustamante's poorly armed 
force was defeated in a battle which took place on January 2, lf68. He 
and many leaders of his force were taken prisoner. The prisoners were 
summarily executed, and Recharte distinguished himself by the origin- 
ality with which he carried out this task. Bustamante's subordinates 
were herded into the kitchen of a Pusi family. The room was sealed and 
the prisoners were suffocated with the smoke of burning ajl, or hot 
peppers. Bustamante himself was hung up by the feet and decapitated 
(Vasquez 1976:205-211). 

The action at Pusi concluded, Recharte went to Sarata and other 
nearby districts of Huancane which had supplied troops to Bustamante 
and shown themselves to be of rebellious spirit. There, he joined 
forces with local authorities and elites in a vigorous round of killing 
and torturing of the inhabitants, the burning of their fields and the 
theft of their animals so that they might be reminded of their proper 
place in Peruvian society (Vasquez 1976). The impression he made upon 
saratenos was such that they immortalized him in a "saying" reflecting 
their experiences with political expression; "Let's not meet together 
for any reason, or we will be whipped as in Recharte's time."^ 

The local landlords and elites were naturally delighted to find 
someone who would so vigorously defend their interests. Official 



Jani kunaru mltlsinatl. Ichartijamaraki a suf iyasismaw . 



-74- 



reaction was somewhat more subdued. Most officials were relieved to 
have order restored, although many were discomfitted by Recharte's lack 
of restraint. There were some initiatives to try to ameliorate the 
conditions under which the rural population of the region lived. Others 
argued that cruel treatment of Indians should be outlawed, but that per- 
sonal tribute was necessary to keep them occupied and out of trouble. 
There was little overt recognition that the simple passing of legisla- 
tion in Lima would not change conditions in Puno.^ 

Recharte's actions inspired some consternation in the circles of 
people concerned with the viability of Peru as a nation-state. Without 
official consultation with Peruvian authorities, Recharte asked the 
Bolivian dictator, Melgarejo, to send troops to help quell the dis- 
turbances lest they spread to Bolivia. Melgarejo lost little time in 
complying with the request, and a force of some 500 infantry, 300 
horses, and two artillery pieces arrived in Sarata from Bolivia around 
April of 1867. Many members of the government saw this an an indication 
of the fragility of Peruvian sovereignty over the region (Anonymous 
1867; Vasquez 1976). 

The Arrival of a Capitalist Economy 

More significant changes began to affect Sarata and the entire 
Puno region in 1876 with the completion of the Arequipa-Puno link of 
the Southern Peruvian Railway. Arequipa had already been joined with 
the port town of Mollendo. With the completion of the link to Puno, a 
direct line of commerce was established between the Peruvian coast and 



'(v1squ'e?l976:326-]35)!''' '" '" contemporary, Antonio Riveros 



■75- 



the Bolivian market network centered in La Paz. Goods which arrived in 
Puno from the coast were transported across Lake Titicaca by steamship, 
with Bolivian exports making the return trip. Bolivian traffic came to 
account for one quarter of the freight hauled on the Southern Peruvian 
Railway and gave it the highest ratio of tons of freight to kilometers 
travelled in all of Peru (Dobyns and Doughty 1976:201). 

One of the most important and best-documented effects of the con- 
struction of the railway was the stimulus it provided to the exportation 
Of wool by bringing vast new areas into the range of agents acting on 
behalf of the wool export houses. This was particularly true after the 
Juliaca-Sicuani link was completed in 1897 (Appleby 1980; Hazen 1974; 
Orlove 1977). New urban centers were created while others declined in 
importance. Sicuani, for example, rose from obscurity to become a 
major center for the bulking and exportation of wool. Juliaca increased 
in population from 516 in 1876 to over 3000 in 1919, by which time it 
was on its way to becoming the major commercial center in all of the 
southern sierra region of Peru. Lampa, on the other hand, which had 
previously been an important urban center, had not even doubled in 
population by 1940 (Appleby 1976; 1980). 

The growth of the wool economy was not by itself the crucial factor 
shaping the economic growth of Sarata, however. Only in the far north- 
eastern corner of the district did A>^ara herders have large numbers of 
alpaca, and raising sheep was largely confined to the haciendas. Most 
of the freeholding communities of the district, where the bulk of the 
population lived, were characterized by a mixed pattern of subsistence 
cultivation and herding or, along the lakeshore, a pattern of almost 
strictly subsistence cultivation. Wool played an important role in the 
economy of only a small part of Sarata's population. 



■76- 



The steamship connection from Puno to Bolivia, however, opened up 
a number of towns on the shores of Lake Titicaca to commercial trans- 
portation. These towns, one of which was Sarata, flouris^-ed as commer- 
cial centers in their own right, through which passed both legal and 
megal goods that made up the international trade between Peru and 
Bolivia (Appleby 1980). Items such as imported Scotch whiskey became 
more abundant in Sarata than major urban centers of Peru. 

Urban centers in the aUi^lano began to grow at an even more rapid 
rate following the drop in wool prices at the end of World War I. Many 
peasant producers were unable to continue to earn a minimum income 
raising alpacas and were forced off their lands into the urban centers. 
Haciendas responded to the increased economic pressures either by trying 
to get rid of any "surplus" peon families, or by trying to expand their 
landholdings so they could raise more sheep. The second course meant 
that neighboring freeholding communities felt increased pressure on 
their lands. Where haciendas were successful in their efforts to ex- 
pand their boundaries, freeholding peasants were also forced into urban 
centers to search for employment. 

These events affected the district of Sarata in two important ways. 
First, the growing urban centers placed increasing demands upon those 
who remained in the countryside for food. Urban elites responded by 
placing greater pressures upon the peasants to turn over larger por- 
tions of their production at prices determined by the urban elites. 
Secondly, the depressed economic conditions of the region in the wake 
of the drop in wool prices meant that urban demand for food was solvent 
only at depressed price levels. This made it necessary for the urban 
elites who controlled most capitalist trade and transport to resist the 



-77- 



entrance by outsiders into the domain of food marketing. Outsiders, of 
course, meant the people in the rural communities who were becoming in- 
creasingly desirous of benefitting from some of the changes they saw 
occurring around them. 

This period in the economic history of Sarata coincided with other 
events occurring in the larger history of Peru, all of which served to 
raise popular expectations and make saratenos less willing to live under 
the social order that had existed from the colonial period. Among the 
earliest of these was the arrival in the region of the Seventh Day Ad- 
ventist Church, under whose auspices a school, the first of many Adven- 
tist schools, was opened in Platerfa, on the southern shore of Lake 
Titicaca, in 1909. The first full-time missionaries, Frederick and Ana 
Stahl, arrived in the area in 1911. m the history of the Adventist 
church on the aUiplan o, one witnesses the impact individuals may have 
in a propitious historical moment. The success of the Adventists has 
had profound long-term implications in the general social and economic 
life of the region (Hazen 1974; Lewellen 1978). 

After having Instituted his work in the Platerfa area, Frederick 
Stahl began visiting communities in the province of Huancane around 
1915. As on the other side of the lake, he and those associated with 
him were subjected to persecution. He was not permitted to lodge in 
the town and was given food and shelter by the people he was missionizing. 
Numerous threats were made against him and he often was forced to travel 
secretly from one community to another at night, guided by people from 
the countryside. Stahl did not speak Aymara, and at that time vir- 
tually no one outside of the town of Sarata spoke Spanish. The message 
of the missionary was conveyed through an interpreter. In a lakeside 



■"■-^■- *— ■rr'vh- 



-78- 



comuiunUy near the town, there was one man who knew Spanish. He pro- 
vided Stahl with food and a place to stay and did the interpreting of 
worship services and other meetings. For his efforts, he and his family 
were attacked by people from the town and his animals were seized. 
Similar treatment awaited anyone else who was associated with Stahl. 
As Lewellen (1978) states, Stahl talked about considerably more 
than religion and going to church on Saturday. He talked about estab- 
lishing schools and health clinics, and helping people enjoy greater 
prosperity. The schools in particular struck a responsive note among 
the people. Informants in Sarata unanimously said that it was the pros- 
pect Of schools that most attracted people to the Adventists and that 
the establishment of schools in the rural areas was their greatest 
achievement. Even the staunchest of Catholics today say that it was 
the Adventists who "awakened" Sarata by bringing education, and it is 
they who are credited for the dramatic successes that many of the rural 
people have since enjoyed in taking advantage of the new economic 
opportunities. 

The success enjoyed by another group, which arrived on the scene 
at about the same time as the Adventists, also reflected the thirst 
for education. In 1920, the Sociedad Pro Derecha Indfgena was fomed 
in Lima. Within a few years, they had allegedly established 170 schools 
in the province of Huancane. Townspeople throughout the province claimed 
that these schools were in fact centers of subversion in which the 
people were being incited to violence against the established order. 
To support this charge, they said that there were more adults than 
children attending the schools and claimed that many of the people 
associated with them were anarchists. There was, in fact, a very high 



-79- 



aduU attendance at the schools, understandable given the tremendous 
desire that existed to learn to speak, read, and write Spanish. During 
the same period, two men from a community of the district who had pre- 
viously attended a clandestine rural school held a large meeting of 
peasants and it was decided to form a local chapter of the Tawantinsuyo 
Society. A collection was taken up to send the two to Lima to gain an 
audience with the president and solicit authorization to establish both 
the town of Wancho and its school. They did speak with President Leguia 
who authorized their project and, it is said, gave them a map of the 
city to Lima to use as a guide for how to set up their new town 
(Gallegos 1972). 

Work on the new town, called Wancho-Lima, was begun immediately, 
with the school and a church being the first buildings constructed. 
Streets were laid out to correspond to the pattern of central Lima and 
shops were constructed along them in which carpenters, hatmakers, tai- 
lors, and other tradespeople practiced their trades. Committees in 
charge of public sanitation were established and all of the people par- 
ticipating in the project were obligated to live in the town rather than 
in the countryside. It was prohibited to speak Aymara within the town 
limits, a move that was intended both to reflect and reinforce the 
initiative of the people toward literacy in Spanish, and a Wednesday 
market was established to weaken the hold of the townspeople upon com- 
merce. Finally, delegations were sent to the ayllu of the neighboring 
districts, informing them that Wancho-Lima and not Huancane was now the 
capital of the district of Huancan^ (Gallegos 1972). 

The townspeople were naturally unsettled by these events and began 
reporting that violent acts were being committed hy the rural dwellers. 



-80- 



. People in the countryside countered these accusations by charging the 
ruling elite or ^amonales with looting property, burning schools, and 
with massacring Indians engaged in a peaceful meeting. The confronta- 
tions began to escalate. Six thousand people were reported to have 
surrounded the town of Huancane in March 1922, being dispersed only 
after armed clashes. In July of 1922, tensions were eased when the 
Prefect of the department came to inspect the situation. He was well 
received by a large throng of Indians, who apparently thought he had 
come to redistribute land. In late 1923, major disturbances occurred. 
Indians had begun coming in from the countryside to perform military 
exercises in the town plaza of Vilquechico, and in December, an attack 
on the town failed because the people were armed and waiting. A march 
was made on Huancan§, but this also failed because heavy rains slowed 
the progress of the insurgents. After this, troops were brought in and 
punitive expeditions were launched against the rural communities 
(Hazen 1974). 

In Sarata, there are no reports of there having been overt military 
activity directed at the town from the rural communities, although one 
or more communities were reportedly very active in its support of 
Wancho-Lima. The principal subversive activity seems to have been the 
continued establishment of rural schools by the Adventists and a general 
agitation by the communities for education. However, in July 1923, 
townspeople attacked a group of people from two communities, on their 
way to town to dance for a fiesta, and bludgeoned them to death. In 
November 1923, the town received word that it was to be attacked by a 
group from another community who intended to kill the members of the 
principal families they found there. The women and children were 



' ^>' W t tm > ^^|»l^ *■■» > MtkM W t-^sm^itrmiiiii-m^^ 



-81- 



hidden 1n the church and a pre-emptive strike was led against the com- 
munity by the mayor of the town. 

Whatever the intent of the people in the rural community was with 
regard to the town, they were apparently completely surprised by the 
attack that was made upon them. Most of the people were caught unaware 
in their houses and fields. Many men were killed on the spot, either 
shot or bludgeoned to death. Women were beaten and scalded with boiling 
water. A group of men was taken prisoner and led back to town, where 
they were subjected to tortures such as crucifixion and being drawn 
and quartered or peeled alive in the plaza. Those who were not yet 
dead were drowned in a river which passes near the town. Their remains 
were buried in a mass grave in the cemetery. 

Similar attacks were made against other communities which were 
centers of Adventist activities, all characterized by the killing of 
large numbers of camgeslnos and the stealing of their livestock and 
produce by the townspeople. Some camResinos eventually managed to make 
their way to Lima, where they advised the government of what had been 
happening. Troops were dispatched to restore order, arriving at 
Sarata's dock on Lake Titicaca by steamship. An investigatory com- 
mittee, headed by the Bishop of Puno, was appointed in 1925 by the 
Patronatodela Raza Indfgena, and that same year, it recommended that 
a general amnesty be granted. This was done in 1928, although it did 
not entirely halt the acts of repression that were occurring (Hazen 
1974). 

The significance of the 1923 violence lies primarily in the pro- 
cesses that began in its wake. The Adventists continued with their 
program of evangelization and education and, in the latter part of the 



- m tm s^nmrtr . i i ni^ K. 



-82- 



1920s, public education first appeared in the district. Cajjjeslnos 
were permitted to attend school, although pressure was brought to bear 
by the townspeople on public school teachers who were thought to spend 
too much time with children from the countryside, and casesinos who 
allowed education to alter their behavior in the presence of towns- 
people were subject to physical abuse. By 1930, one could attend grades 
one through three in Sarata. The school system in the district slowly 
expanded over the years so that today all public education may be com- 
pleted within the district. 

The violence of 1923 also stimulated the government to attempt to 
maintain more effective control over the area through extensions in the 
road network and the establishment of an army barracks in the pro- 
vincial capital Of Huancane, in 1940. The extension of the road network 
coincided with a shift from rail and lacustrine transport to truck ' 
transport. In Sarata, this appears to have begun around 1929, when the 
first truck, driven by a member of the Sarata town elite, became the 
first vehicle of its kind to reach the highland capital of the herding 
district of Cojata (Appleby 1980). Since that time, the construction 
and maintenance of roads that are passable by truck has been a major 
concern among Sarata communities, and occupies a substantial portion of 
the labor time dedicated to community activities. 

The growth in truck traffic marked a decline in truck ridership 
(Orlove 1977:149-151) as well as a decline in transport on Lake Titicaca. 
As had been the case when the railroad line was constructed, the new 
transport network created by the expanding road system made major urban 
centers out of insignificant hamlets and turned bustling towns into 
shadows of their former selves, depending upon where they happened to 



>-J^a*^M II i,.j«iiij 



-83- 



be located in relation to the most important roads (Appleby 1976; 
1980). 

The growing terrestrial transportation network had some immediate 
effects on Sarata. It decreased the time required to go back and forth 
to Bolivia and increased the quantities of goods that could be carried 
in either direction. The legal and illegal international trade that 
had been actively carried out by parties from both countries for some 
time became even livelier. The road network meant that seasonal trips 
to Arequipa and the coastal valleys in search of wage labor became 
easier, and that goods such as corn could be brought to Sarata in greater 
quantities and at lower prices than in the past. Larger numbers of 
people being involved in wage labor created a solvent demand for corn 
and other imported goods. Seasonal trips in search of wage labor be- 
came more frequent and long-distance trading expeditions began to de- 
crease in number as people found it more feasible to earn wages and 
purchase some of the goods they needed with cash.^ 

The growth of truck transport also oriented Sarata away from the 
urban center of Puno and toward Juliaca. Prior to the advent of truck 
transportation, Sarata's primary commercial links were by boat, acr 
the lake to the departmental capital of Puno. By the 1940s, regular 
boat service to Sarata had been halted, leaving the district economy 
with Juliaca as its major urban link. 



:ross 



less frequl„*t™ha!;"?„"l't'" ''l"!:'''' ""P'^^'y- Although ™uch 



-84- 



The Urban Growth of Juliaca 

The importance of Juliaca in the economic life of Sarata is diffi- 
cult to overestimate. Some of the reasons for the economic preeminence 
of Juliaca have already been mentioned. It is the rail nexus where 
railroad lines coming from Cuzco and Arequipa join, and in turn are 
linked to the market network of Bolivia either by steamship or by truck. 
The highway network for all of southern Peru appears to radiate outward 
from Juliaca. It is the major urban center for the provinces of Lampa, 
Melgar, Azangaro, Huancane, Ayaviri, Carabaya, and Sandia. The prin- 
cipal roads in all of these provinces were constructed to connect them 
with Juliaca. The highways which follow the shores of both sides of 
Lake Titicaca, one going through the cities of Puno and Chucuito and 
the other passing through the province of Huancane, also link Juliaca 
with La Paz, Bolivia. This makes possible considerable international 
trade and transport. Juliaca also has an airport from which depart 
regularly scheduled flights to Lima, Arequipa, as well as to the gold 
mining center of Puerto Maldonado. 

As noted earlier, Juliaca began to acquire importance with the 
construction of the railroad at the end of the 19th century. The 
collapse of wool prices at the end of World War I provided the city with 
another spurt of growth as the resulting economic difficulties forced 
people off the land and into the urban centers of the region. Between 
1919 and 1940, the population of the city grew from 3000 to over 6000 
people. By 1950, the city had grown to 9248 people. Then, during the 
drought-ridden years of that decade, when crop failures occurred year 
after year, Juliaca experienced a tremendous surge in population. By 



-85- 



1960, the city had 20,403 inhabitants (Torres Juarez 1962:14-15,169). 
The census of 1972 showed the city with a population of 38,475 inhabitants 
The recession of the 1970s provided the most recent impetus to the growth 
of Juliaca. The urban population in 1980 was estimated at nearly 120,000 
people, giving Juliaca a rate of population growth matched only by 
Chimbote and Pucallpa in all the rest of Peru (_Caretas 1980a:56). In 
Juliaca, as in the other major urban centers of Puno department, urban 
growth has been stimulated by economic development, such as improving 
transportation facilities, for example. But, the periods of greatest 
population growth have occurred when the region has found itself in 
periods of economic crisis (Appleby 1980:43-44). 

Size and population growth alone have not bestowed upon Juliaca 
the importance it holds in the economic life of Sarata, for the city 
is above all a commercial center. The province of San Roman, in which 
Juliaca is the only urban center, contains 8.9 percent of the Economic- 
ally Active Population (EAP) of the department of Puno. However, nearly 
one-quarter of the EAP which engages in commercial activity resides in 
Juliaca. 4 The people who engage in co^ercial activity are generally 
involved in one of four types of businesses. These include ^roductores 
detanistas, or producer retailers, a^er^ dlstribuidores, or dis- 
tributors, ma^^oristai, or "jobbers," and minonsta^, or retail mer- 
chants. The different types of businesses, in turn, are assigned to 






-85- 



one Of three ''economic sectors," the public sector, the private sector, 
and the social sector (Velasquez Rodriguez 1978). 

Juliaca boasts a number of businesses which contribute to making 
it the dominant commercial center of the region. The Portland-type 
cement, which is manufactured on the outskirts of the city, is marketed 
throughout southern Peru and enjoys a near-monopoly position. Juliaca 
is also the home of numerous textile manufacturers. These businesses 
range in size from individual women knitting and weaving in their homes 
to large industrial concerns. They use both locally produced sheep and 
alpaca wool as well as imported synthetic wools. Many of the synthetic 
products are for local use, while the products made from natural wools 
are frequently sold in Bolivia, where prices are higher. 

There are numerous distributers who supply the growing local 
demand for manufactured goods. These include representatives of multi- 
national electronics and small appliance firms. Some of the distribu- 
tors sen products legally imported into Peru. Others handle merchan- 
dise smuggled into Peru from Bolivia via Sarata and other districts 
located near the border. Much of what is smuggled in is sold locally, 
while a portion of the goods also finds its way to Lima, Cuzco., and 
other cities not blessed with a nearby international border. The dis- 
tinction between which entrepreneurs operate legally and which do not 
is not a clear one, as many are involved in both legal and illegal 
activities. 

Juliaca is also the major food distribution center of the region. 
Foodstuffs such as noodles, rice, wheat flour, evaporated milk, cooking 
oil, and sugar, as well as fruits and vegetables grown in other areas, 
and luxur, foods are shipped to Juliaca for distribution throughout the 



-87- 



region. Fruits and vegetables are widely consumed, purchased largely 
by small-scale entrepreneurs who sell them in the various rural markets. 
Luxury food stuffs such as margarine are distributed less widely, 
arriving only at those markets large enough to be frequented by people 
with the money and desire to buy them. Products such as noodles, rice, 
and sugar are considered staple foods by the government, and their 
prices are controlled so as to make them affordable to as wide a seg- 
ment of the population as possible. As a result, a tremendous amount 
of staple foods is shipped directly to Bolivia, where the absence of 
food price controls means they command a considerably higher price. 

As one might expect in a city whose growth has been closely linked 
to the railroad and trucking industries, transport remains a major in- 
dustry in Juliaca. Goods are shipped into the city for distribution 
throughout southern Peru. Juliaca is also the major distribution point 
for goods produced within the region and transported to other areas. 
Principal among these products are wool from the high-altitude pastoral 
areas and coffee, citrus fruit, and wood from the tropical eastern 
valleys of the Andes. The railroad was built by foreigners and is run 
by the state, so its contribution to the local economy lies primarily 
in the goods it carries. 

The trucking industry, however, has been a major source of capital 
accumulation in the area, and it has served to make wealthy people out 
of individuals who are not members of the traditional elites. Part of 
the success of this group lay in smuggling and part in anticipating 
areas that were about to develop profitable products for export, or in 
anticipating local demands for goods imported into the region. Because 
they were not members of an elite social class, these individual 



I s were 



■*" I "■ 'I'lTi mmriBii — 



-88- 



no1 



Dt constrained by concepts of what sorts of work are appropriate for 
members of a social elite. A number of saratenos may be counted among 
this group of emerging economic elites and they serve as role models 
for those who have ambitions of achieving upward economic mobility. 

In spite of the presence of numerous large enterprises, Juliaca 
is primarily a city of petty commercialists. Seventy-seven and one-half 
percent of the businesses in Juliaca belong to minoristas (Velasquez 
Rodriguez 1978:50). Minorista status is not, by itself, a good indicator 
of the size of an enterprise. A number of Juliaca retail establishments 
are quite large. However, street vendors and the people who rent spaces 
in the city's markets are also minoristas . These are enterprises which 
require a minimum of capital to establish. More than 57 percent of the 
working capital of Juliaca businesses is controlled by the distribuidores 
and mayoristas, while minoristas control only slightly in excess of 22 
percent of the working capital. In addition, agentes distribuidores 
and mayoristas , account for over 69 percent of the total volume of legal 
sales made in Juliaca, estimated to amount to about $500,000.00 a month 
in 1977, while minoris ta^ account for slightly less than 28 percent of 
the total legal sales volume of the city. Perhaps by coincidence, 
60 percent of the total legal sales volume of the city is also the pro- 
portion controlled by 9.5 percent of the businesses in Juliaca 
(Velasquez Rodriguez 1978:76-77). These figures reflect the presence 
of the numerous low-capital enterprises found in the ranks of Juliaca 
minoristas . 

Appleby's observation that the growth of urban centers in Puno is 
more closely linked to periods of economic difficulties in which numer- 
ous people are forced to leave their lands has been noted. The minorista 



-89- 



group is one whose ranks are made to swell by the influx of people. 
The same economic difficulties which make it impossible to survive in 
the countryside make it nearly equally impossible to find work in the 
urban centers. Many seek a solution to unemployment in the establish- 
ment of their own small businesses, hoping thereby to earn a subsistence 



income. 



During the periods of economic crisis noted above, when Juliaca 
registered its most dramatic population increases, the pressures which 
have contributed most to the displacement of rural households have been 
related to three major factors. These have been patron withdrawal, 
declining rural income, and increased demands by the urban center. 
Patron withdrawal was a particularly significant factor in those areas 
of the region dominated by wool -producing haciendas . These haciendas 
responded to drops in wool prices, such as occurred in 1919, by trying 
to expand their production and cut costs. Peasant families residing 
on haciendas found themselves under pressure of increased exploitation, 
while communities located on the edges of many estates found that their 
lands were subject to loss as the haciendai sought to increase their 
productive capacity by encroaching upon their lands (Appleby 1980). 

Inflation has played a tremendous role in reducing rural incomes 
in the Puno region, particularly in the 1970s. Overall consumer prices 
in Peru rose at an annual rate of 44.7 percent in 1976, 32.4 percent in 
1977, and 73.7 percent in 1978. Between 1976 and 1978, the annual in- 
flation rate for food and services consumed primarily by the low-income 
strata of the population reached as high as 137.2 percent (Portocarrero 
1980:60-61). The effect of inflation during this period was compounded 
by the steady devaluation of the sol in relation to the U.S. dollar and 



M flgi li *Wnr «i i^iiii i ii 



■90- 



other major world currencies. From 1970 through 1979, the official 
exchange rate went from 38.7 to 250,1 soles to the dollar. By the end 
of 1980, the value of the sol had dropped below 335 to the dollar. In 
the department of Puno, rural producers reacted to inflation by putting 
less of their own production up for sale and by consuming fewer manu- 
factured goods. Inflation prompted a return to specialized production 
and distribution within the rural society (Appleby 1979). However, the 
increase in departmental urban populations in general and the astronomi- 
cal increase of Juliaca in particular indicate that a large part of the 
rural population was unable to cope with the economic crisis of the 
1970s. 

The demands made upon the rural areas of the region by urban cen- 
ters have been many and varied through the course of the present century. 
Urban centers have increased the quantity of goods reaching the rural 
areas of the region. As the urban centers have grown, so have the 
scales of their marketing networks extending into the countryside. 
This has been a major force since the late 19th century, when the 
railroad entered the region. The greatest initial impact of the rail- 
road was not in the extraction of wool production, as producers tended 
to rely upon traditional marketing procedures for some time. Rather, 
the railroad permitted a tremendous increase in the quantity of manu- 
factured goods reaching the altiplano for distribution in the country- 
side. People began to enter vertical market relationships as a means 
of acquiring the new goods (Appleby 1980). 

Growing urban centers exerted an increasing demand upon the 
countryside for food. Particularly during the first part of 
the 20th century, this demand was manifested in coercive market 



-91- 



relationships controlled by the urban centers. Rural producers were 
compelled to sell to determined individuals at determined prices. 
Failure to comply was sanctioned by violence. After 1940, however, an 
increase in the number of rural markets gave producers more options 
regarding when and where to sell their goods, and stimulated competi- 
tion among the urban merchants (Appleby 1976). 

In Peru, some foods, such as beans, rice, beef, and poultry, are 
consumed primarily in cities, while others, such as potatoes, barley, 
and sheep meat, are consumed in rural areas. Since 1950, the food 
products consumed in urban areas have enjoyed relatively rapid increases 
in production, although these have not been sufficient to keep pace 
with urban population growth. Domestic production of these products 
occurs primarily in commercialized enterprises such as those in the 
Arequipa area, with the difference between domestic production and urban 
demand being made up through food imports. In order to keep food prices 
down for the more politically visible urban population, government sub- 
sidies and price controls have been applied to these products. This 
has stimulated a decline in the production of the traditional Peruvian 
staple crops which are consumed in rural areas because these cannot 
compete in the marketplace with the artificially cheap foodstuffs 
destined for urban consumption (Alvarez 1980). 

This pressure has made life in the countryside around Juliaca 
more difficult in different ways. The marketing of surplus food pro- 
duction as a means of earning income has lost its viability as an option 
for rural producers. In areas of the region where the selling of food 
surpluses was an important activity, households have been forced to 
seek other means of earning money or to abandon the countryside 



-92- 



aUogether as the profit to be had shrank with each passing year. In 
addition, because urban foodstuffs are artificially cheap, many rural 
households began to make up shortfalls in their own subsistence produc- 
tion by purchasing these rather than relying upon traditional exchange 
relationships to acquire needed food. Some households were even moved 
to replace some of their own production with purchased foodstuffs, and 
thus free more of their time for other wage-earning activities. For 
many, this increased dependence upon purchased foodstuffs proved counter- 
productive because, although the prices of urban foods have been kept 
artificially low, they are also among the goods most subject to infla- 
tion. Many rural families found that their low cash incomes did not 
allow them to "keep up" with rapidly increasing food prices. Households 
which had become dependent upon these purchased foodstuffs frequently 
found that they too had to abandon their lands and take up urban 
residence. 

These are some of the ways that pressures have been brought to bear 
on rural households which have compelled many of them to move from the 
countryside into urban centers such as Juliaca. As noted earlier, the 
same factors which caused people to leave the rural areas in search of 
permanent urban employment also made such employment extremely scarce, 
and becoming a minori^ was often the last resort for people who could 
find no other occupation. 

Ironically, these people who are among the principal victims of 
the conditions associated with capitalist expansion, being forced off 
the land and unable to find a job, become the principal agents of fur- 
ther capitalist expansion into the rural economies of the region. Goods 
arriving in Juliaca by truck or train are sold to the minoristas , who 



-93- 



in turn convey their wares to the countryside, following the weekly 
market cycle for a part of the region to which Juliaca is the major 
urban center. As their numbers grow, the livelihood of the minoristas 
depends upon making a larger part of the rural population dependent 
upon manufactured goods and purchased foodstuffs. This increasing 
dependence, combined with the poor economic opportunities available in 
the rural areas, insures that the number of families leaving the country 
side will continue to be great. Many of these people will also find 
that their only occupational alternative will be to join the ranks of 
the minorlsta^, increasing competition among the urban merchants and 
intensifying their efforts to sell more goods in the rural areas. 

The District of Sarata and Urban Centers 

Saratenos have adapted to capitalist penetration in several ways. 
As has been noted, they have a long history of high mobility over a 
broad geographic area, which has given them flexibility in responding 
to changing conditions. In addition to being forced to go to Potosf as 
tributaries, for example, they discerned the opportunities for economic 
gain there and began carrying food to the mines to sell. They used the 
periods of obligatory mVa_ labor in the gold mines of Carabaya as an 
opportunity to conduct trade with the settlements in these tropical 
valleys (Maurtua 1906:1,216,329). During the present century, forced 
conscription to fight in the Chaco War and the restrictions upon land 
ownership by foreigners that were part of the Bolivian agrarian reform 
made it difficult for saratenos to maintain their landholdings in the 
Larecaja valley region of Bolivia. SarateBos then undertook the 



■94- 



cuUivation of the steep and narrow Tambopata Valley in Peru (Kuczynski- 
Godard 1945; Martinez 1969). Several of Sarata's older merchants of 
today got their start in business in the 1930s and 1940s, driving herds 
of cattle to La Paz and bringing back colorful manufactured fabrics, 
popular for making women's £oilera skirts. They have re-oriented their 
businesses according to changing economic conditions. Today, they sell 
clothes and hardware in the rural markets of the district, carry food- 
stuffs which have been imported by Peru to Bolivia, and bring radios 
and tape recorders back to Peru. 

Sarata also has enjoyed an advantage over other areas because of 
its location. It forms part of the economic hinterland serviced by two 
major urban centers, Juliaca and La Paz, and it controls one of the 
major routes by which the two cities have access to one another. The 
development of the two urban centers has been shaped by diverse forces 
as the political struggles of the elite groups in the respective 
countries manifested themselves in different ways. This has often 
resulted in there being something of a complementarity between the two 
cities, each one being able to supply goods that were relatively scarce 
in the country of the other. Located between the two cities near the 
international border, people from the Sarata region have been in a 
position to exert considerable influence over the trade that resulted. 
They control access to the border and their cooperation is needed for 
the efficient transport of goods. This is particularly true when the 
co^erce is illegal and the transfer of goods across the border involves 
both risk and high profitability. 

For this reason, Sarata has its own sizeable merchant class. 
Peoplewhofind themselves unable to earn a subsistence income through 



■95- 



agriculture and who do not have the specialized skills that would enable 
them to earn a comfortable living in an urban area are able to take 
advantage of commercial activities within their own district. A 
Mriorista in Sarata enjoys the same advantages as in Juliaca. Only a 
small capital investment is required and the work does not depend upon 
finding a job. Working in Sarata offers the additional advantage that 
if one is willing to accept the risks involved in handling illegal goods 
the profit potential is relatively high. Saratenos own virtually all 
transport facilities in the district. Also, sarateBos are able to 
carry on a business and maintain their lands at the same time. In 
contrast to many Juliaca mlnorls_taA who took up their occupation because 
they had lost their lands and found no other opportunity open to them, 
sarate^ enter business in order to keep their lands and improve their 
style of life in the countryside. As they explain it, their fields 
provide their food and their businesses provide the money for their 
"vices" (vici^). It is the opportunity they have enjoyed for choosing 
such a strategy that in many ways makes sarateRos appear to constitute 



an unusual case, 



Mion^U^mnin_Io}A£LlI}d _the stagnation of the 
Agricultural Econom y ~~ 

Agricultural development has been a stated national priority in 
Peru for a number of years. However, there has been disagreement over 
what constitutes development, with different economic interests having 
divergent views on the subject. One may see the two major interest 
groups in Peru as centering around growing urban classes on one hand 
and a rural peasantry on the other. Such a confrontation of interests 



■^t -ff — ri — I 'vn ^B i - iM " i rri. 



-96- 



is not unique to Peru, but has been observed 1n many Latin American 
societies undergoing rapid social and technological change. 

In Mexico, for example, with the exception of the Cardenas adminis- 
tration which held power between 1935 and 1940, post-revolutionary 
government policy has generally been to favor urban industrial growth 
at the expense of the countryside. Agriculture has been viewed and 
evaluated in terms of its ability to support a growing urban population 
bound to the urban industrial sector of the economy. Emphasis has been 
placed upon keeping food prices low, and not upon improving the standard 
Of living of the peasantry which until recently constituted the majority 
of the Mexican population. In order to keep urban food prices down, 
large-scale producers were encouraged to replace labor inputs with in- 
puts Of capital. The lack of economic opportunity in the countryside 
forced large numbers of people into the urban areas, where they could 
be used as a source of cheap labor (Hewitt de Alcantara 1976). 

Peru also has favored urban interests over rural, at least since 
1950. It has experienced exponential population growth in its urban 
areas, stimulated at least in part by the lack of economic opportunity 
1n a depressed rural economy. It has emphasized maintaining low food 
prices and has oriented agricultural production toward the production 
of goods for urban consumption. Like Mexico, it has been unable to pro- 
duce enough to satisfy the demand of the expanding urban sector. 

When the military government of Velasco Alvarado took power in 
1968, it inherited an agricultural policy that emphasized the production 
of industrial cash crops and food products for urban consumption. The 
major industrial cash crops were cotton, sugar, and coffee, with milk 
products, hard yellow corn, and brewer's barley growing in importance. 



-97- 



Food products for urban consumption include beans, rice, beef, pork, 
poultry, milk, and corn. These are produced primarily in the industri- 
alized agricultural enterprises of the Peruvian coast. Cattle consti- 
tute something of an exception to this as many come from small-scale 
highland producers; however, the target for future development as Peru's 
major beef-producing region is the tropical selva region (Agronoticias 
1980:9; Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47). 

Crops which have been staple food crops in Peru since the arrival 
of the Spanish or before are considered by the government to have a 
"restricted market," and their production has been in decline. These 
restricted market crops include wheat, barley, yuca, sheep meat and wool, 
and potatoes. The production of these goods is largely in the hands of 
small-scale peasant agriculturalists. In spite of the "restricted 
market" their products supply, peasant producers own most of the arable 
land in the sierra region of the country. Land held by individuals 
owning less than five hectares includes a larger area of the ^ierra 
than any other category of land holding. In the highland region, 
peasants own over half of the cattle, sheep, horses, and camelids found 
there. It has been argued that, regardless of what else one thinks 
about the Peruvian agrarian reform, it made a fundamental mistake in 
focusing upon the adjudication of large estate lands rather than trying 
to improve production on the small holdings that comprise most of Peru's 
agricultural land (Alvarez 1980:35-38). 

The Peruvian agrarian reform had three major initial goals: to 
take measures that would revitalize agricultural production; to inte- 
grate the rural population into the national economy; and to accomodate 
agricultural policy to the government's industrialization plan. These 



-98- 



goals were, in fact, contradictory. As noted, since 1950, agricultural 
production had been increasing in the areas of cash crops for export 
and food crops for direct urban consumption at the expense of the tra- 
ditional staples considered to have a "restricted market." To have 
generally revitalized agricultural production throughout Peru as opposed 
to trying to stimulate production in particular sectors would have 
necessitated investments in rural development and forced a postponement 
Of major efforts at industrialization. There was no significant develop- 
nient effort aimed at smallholders. Their integration was viewed only 
in terms of their ability to provide cheap labor and small quantities 
of food, or in terms of the problems they caused when large numbers of 
them made their way to the cities (Alvarez 1980). 

The peasant remained the centerpiece of the government's rhetoric 
concerning the agrarian reform. In 1976, for example, the head of the 
Ministerio de Alimentacion, General Rafael Hoyos Rubio, demanded that 
the Food and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations direct 
more of its efforts to improving the condition of the peasant popula- 
tions in developing countries. Peru was, in turn, praised by the FAQ 
for its efforts in promoting peasant participation in agricultural 
development. General Hoyos also emphasized that agricultural develop- 
ment was, a national security concern, both internally and throughout 
the continent. He stated that food is too vital a resource in develop- 
ing nations for them to become dependent upon foreign sources in order 
to feed themselves (Peru Reports, 1976a: 5). 

Almost simultaneously, however, Peru announced the opening of the 
Andean Tractor Factory (Fabrica de Tractores Andinos, S.A.), 49 percent 
of which is owned by the Massey Ferguson Tractor Company of the United 



■'^i^J^ic rw^ir - > >-— h.i I ^--■-.--■T-^ 



-99- 



States and 51 percent by the Development Financing Corporation (Cor- 
poracion Financiera de Desarrollo, or COFIDE) and Industries of Peru 
(Industrias Peruanas, or INDUPERU), which represent Peruvian capita! 
(Peru Reports 1976c:3-4). The tractors produced by this enterprise 
were not intended for Peru's S:nan-scale agriculturalists. They would, 
in fact, have been useless on their tiny plots scattered over wide 
areas of very rough terrain. The example of the Andean Tractor Factory 
illustrates that, while Peru talked about developing peasant agricul- 
ture, it put its money elsewhere. 

The project which best symbolizes the. nature of the government 
commitment to policies of peasant participation and national indepen- 
dence in the area of agriculture is the Majes project. This massive 
effort extends over four provinces of the department of Arequipa and 
involves major damming and rechanneling of the Apurimac, Colca, and 
Siguas rivers for the purpose of constructing massive irrigation works. 
The dams are intended to be the sites of hydroelectric plants which 
will provide power for the region. Peasants from other areas are to 
be resettled along the irrigation works. The plan calls for the con- 
struction of two new cities, which are projected to have respective 
populations of 80,000 and 120,000 by the year 1995. The estimated 
total cost of the project in 1976 was approximately $688,888,888.00. 
Construction is being carried out by the Majes Consortium (MACON), 
which is composed of private companies from the United Kingdom, Sweden, 
Spain, Canada, and South Africa. As of April 1976, these private 
foreign companies had invested approximately $119,844,444.00, while the 
Peruvian state had invested $24,866,667.00 (Peru Reports 1976b:7-8). 
Although the rhetoric of the Peruvian agrarian reform emphasized 



-100- 



nationalism and peasant participation in the process of food production, 
the reality was that it simply continued past policies of favoring 
capital intensive agricultural projects for the production of export 
crops and foods for urban consumption, in which foreign interests play 
a major role. 

Another area of rapid growth which also illustrates where succes- 
sive governments have placed their priorities with regard to agricul- 
tural development is the Peruvian poultry industry. The poultry indus- 
try has gone through four distinct phases in the course of the present 
century. Until around 1935, poultry was produced primarily on a small 
scale by households as part of a diversified subsistence strategy, with 
most of the fowl produced being consumed for subsistence purposes. The 
only links to the international economy came through companies in the 
United States, which were the sole importers of live birds, a role they 
were permitted to fill without paying import duties from 1915 through 
1920. After 1935, poultry production became a small-scale commercial 
enterprise, supplying a growing urban market in the coastal cities. 
The period was characterized by increased importation of pedigreed fowl 
from the United States, Chile, and Canada, and by the beginnings of 
concentrated feeding preparations based upon domestically produced 
wheat and cotton derivatives, which were manufactured by both national 
and multinational concerns that had previously been involved primarily 
in the production of cattle feed (Gonzalez Vigil et al. 1980:145-285). 

During the 1950s and early 1960s, the industry continued to expand 
rapidly, encouraged by government policies which had as a goal the 
establishment of poultry as a principal source of meat protein in urban 
areas that would be affordable to a broad segment of the population. 



-ITf«|if II ■■TWIj^lliTWMMil ■» I M ■»!■ nu » . «■ M tj 



-101- 



The period marked the beginning of a trend of gradual replacement of 
sweet corn for human consumption by hard yellow corn for use in poultry 
feed. Hybrid varieties of corn increased in importance, with seed 
being imported from the United States. In spite of increasing amounts 
of land being devoted to raising grain for poultry feed, the increase 
was insufficient to feed the growing numbers of birds, and large-scale 
feed grain imports from the United States were begun. North American 
poultry companies established incubation and production houses in Peru, 
and the United States Department of Agriculture aided in finding ex- 
ternal markets for poultry raised in Peru. . The veterinary and related 
supplies were purchased from companies outside of Peru (Gonzalez Vigil 
et al. 1980:145-286). 

Since 1965, the exportation of live birds as well as processed 
poultry has been a major source of income. The importation of grain 
and chemical additives for poultry feed has been firmly established and 
representatives of multinational enterprises have become increasingly 
prominent in the milling of domestically produced grains destined for 
animal and human consumption. Although overall poultry production in- 
creased dramatically, the increasing presence of foreign capital which 
viewed profit maximization on an international scale, resulted in a 
decreased availability of poultry products among the low-income groups 
of the population that were supposed to have been the beneficiaries of 
a developed poultry industry. This was in part because what would have 
been reductions in price because of increased production were offset 
by the increased use of imported capital inputs, and in part because 
domestic consumers had to compete with the high-priced export market 
(Gonzalez Vigil et al. 1980:145-286). 



-102- 



A sizeable milk industry has developed in Peru, stimulated by 
government policy and the initiatives of two multinational corporations, 
Perulac, whose center of production is the northern city of Cajamarca, 
is controlled by the Swiss-owned Nestlg company, while Leche Gloria, 
which is produced in Arequipa, is a subsidiary of the United States- 
based company. Carnation. Production is largely limited to unreconsti- 
tuted fresh milk and evaporated milk, but both are produced in large 
quantities and evaporated milk has become the basic food for nursing 
children in urban areas of the country. Milk production has been in- 
creased through initiatives aimed at small .and medium-sized producers. 
These have included improving the breeding stock through artificial 
insemination, improving pastures, and subsidizing a balanced feed for 
the animals. However, producers have found their opportunities for 
profit limited by the fact that, in the respective areas, the two large 
companies are the only buyers for milk. In addition, increases in milk 
production have not kept up with the increasing demand that has been 
created, so large quantities of powdered milk and milk fats have to be 
imported for recombination in Peru. Also imported are the cans for the 
evaporated milk. Transport costs from these two cities to the rest of 
the country are also extremely high. Since the government has committed 
itself to subsidizing milk to keep the price within the reach of urban 
consumers, the import and transport costs are largely absorbed by the 
national treasury (Samaniego 1980:220-221). 

Peru's sel^ region has also been an object of attention for 
agricultural entrepreneurs and planners, and like the enterprises dis- 
cussed above, large-scale capital intensive ventures are justified 
with a promise that they will increase the supply of food available 



■103- 



to urban consumers. Cattle raising is a popular choice for an agri- 
cultural enterprise in this region of the country, and capital has been 
invested by national and international interests. One such enterprise, 
Ganadera Amazonas, has bred a dual-purpose breed of cattle for intro- 
duction to the Amazon region. By crossing Brown Swiss males with Zebu 
Nell ore females, the company has created an Amazon breed that is sup- 
posedly well-suited to life in the sel^ and that is capable of being 
both a milk and a meat producer. Ganadera Amazonas claims to own in 
excess of 30,000 head of cattle and have over $5,000,000.00 of capital, 
and employ over 600 workers. The company owns two livestock raising 
centers in the department of Piura, and six in the seTva. It hopes to 
foment colonization of the sel^ by producers who would raise its Amazon 
breed of cattle (Cubas Vinatea 1980:14-15,47). 

Another cattle raising scheme was being discussed in 1980 that 
would involve the company Central American Services, a subsidiary of 
British and Canadian banking interests, in an agreement with the Peru- 
vian government. Central American Services requested that the govern- 
ment cede to it 300,000 hectares of virgin forest in the department of 
Madre de Dios, upon which it planned to maintain a herd of 240,000 
cattle and establish a slaughterhouse and processing plant. Supporters 
claim that the facility would satisfy 20 percent of Peru's demand for 
beef, and create 5000 jobs in the region. The government appeared 
certain to approve the plan and cede the requested lands to Central 
American Services until allegations were made concerning the connections 
of the company to business interests of the former Nicaraguan dictator 
AnastSsio Somoza. This politically sensitive issue prom.pted delays in 
concluding the agreement (Agronoticias 1980:9). 



i ^n^j < r^ ie»■ql>,^ rtJ ,. « ^^B^ ■a 



-104- 



The government has favored an agricultural policy geared to sup- 
plying food as cheaply as possible to the expanding urban centers of 
Peru, located primarily in the coastal regions of the country. Small 
producers who occupy the bulk of Peru's agricultural land in the sierra 
region have been left to do the best they can, either producing goods 
with a "restricted market" or becoming integrated as workers or colon- 
ists in the grandiose projects such as those described above, which 
official policy has favored. Urban growth has been viewed as inevitable 
if not actually desirable, and the agricultural policies which have 
prevailed in Peru have made this a self-fulfilling prophecy. Rapid 
modernization of urban areas at the same time that the overall rural 
economy is neglected inevitably results in numerous people abaondoning 
the countryside, either forced out by a lack of opportunity or being 
drawn to the areas where most economic activity has been stimulated. 

The emphasis placed upon producing goods for urban consumption at 
the expense of economic development for vast areas of the countryside 
is a long-standing policy. The agrarian reform carried out on a limited 
scale during the first administration of Belaunde and the massive effort 
of the military government of Velasco Alvarado did nothing to reverse 
this. Despite a tremendous amount of publicity by the government with 
regard to how the agrarian reform would improve the standard of living 
of the Peruvian peasantry, the main thrust of the refom in the areas 
characterized by peasant agriculture was in the reorganization of 
hacienda lands. This was not followed by the political and technical 
support that would have raised rural incomes (Alvarez 1980; Caretas 
1980b). 



<i»^ OUlH^QVlniOUM 



-105- 



The importance of expropriating the haciendas and reorganizing their 
lands was, in any case, of greater significance rhetorically than 
economically. Estates of larger than 50 hectares controlled only 14 
percent of the irrigated crop lands and 13.2 percent of the non-irri- 
gated crop lands in the sierra region of Peru at the time data for the 
1972 census were collected. This compared to landholdings under five 
hectares in area which controlled 50 percent of the irrigated crop lands 
and 42 percent of non-irrigated crop lands. These small producers 
also owned 58.2 percent of the cattle, 52.8 percent of the sheep, and 
53.2 percent of the camelids. The large estates owned only 13.1 per- 
cent of the cattle, 25.9 percent of the sheep, and 30.5 percent of the 
camelids (Alvarez 1980:36). 

In fact, by 1969, the manorial estates or h aciendas were already 
in a period of rapid decline. They were not a victim of the agrarian 
reform, which only mercifully cut short the death throes of the insti- 
tution, but of the same agricultural policies discussed above that 
favored the expansion of capital intensive enterprises with extensive 
ties to international capital, and which produced primarily to satisfy 
the urban consumer markets. As a result, the hacienda was unable to 
bind a labor force to it for the purpose of extracting pre-capitalist 
rents (Alvarez 1980:37). 

The haciendas, were converted into state-controlled cooperatives 
which produced either goods for urban consumption or industrial export 
crops. Labor is supplied by the former peons who formerly labored for 
the fiacienda owner and who, under the cooperative structure labor today 
as members of the cooperatives. Since 1975, approximately two-thirds 
of the credits authorized by the Banco Agrario del Peru, which has 



■106- 



exclusTve responsibility for financing national agricultural initiatives, 
went to the associative enterprises. Most of these credits continued 
to go to the modernized enterprises, with the reformed coastal enter- 
prises receiving two-thirds of the credits and those in the sejva region 
receiving about one-fifth of the agricultural credits authorized by the 
Banco Agrario. Reformed enterprises in the sierra received about one- 
tenth of the agricultural credits (Alvarez 1980:71). 

Thus, although the agrarian reform resulted in a more direct inter- 
vention by the state in agricultural enterprises, it reinforced rather 
than changed existing patterns of investment and support. Agricul- 
tural credits went primarily to the more capital intensive reformed 
enterprises located on the coast and in the sejva rather than to the 
development of the formerly manorial estates of the sierra . After these 
credits had been divided up, less than three percent have remained to 
be apportioned among everything else (Alvarez 1980:70). The emphasis 
of the military government may also be seen in public investment in 
the agricultural sector. In 1978, 83 percent of the total budget for 
agricultural investment amounting to about $157,000,000.00 went to the 
development of natural resources and the bringing under cultivation of 
new agricultural lands. Of this, 64 percent went to the Majes irri- 
gation project. Only 14 percent of the budget went to increasing and 
improving existing productive capacity (Eguren 1980:41). 

One reason that the military may have been reluctant to extend the 
agrarian reform in a direction that would have made an improvement in 
the standard of living of the majority of rural households is that a 
conflict of the interests of the urban and rural populations is commonly 
perceived to exist. It is a frequently expressed belief that measures 



-107- 



which would raise rural income by increasing the price small-scale pro- 
ducers receive for their agricultural produce and, thus, encourage them 
to produce and sell more food, would raise prices in the urban areas. 
Aside from the humanitarian problem of raising the price that a popula- 
tion must pay for food when a large number of its members are well 
below minimum nutritional standards, there is a political risk in allow- 
ing food prices to rise. Massive disturbances by the politically 
highly visible urban population could seriously destabilize the 
government. 

Rural and urban incomes are not so directly linked, however. 
Figueroa (1979; 1980) calculates that a doubling of the prices paid to 
producers of food would result in a maximum increase of 18 percent in 
food prices for the poorest urban families. Thus, while there is a 
conflict of interest between urban and rural populations in Peru, it is 
not of such a scale as to prevent an accomodation that would allow 
rural incomes to increase. Urban and rural income levels are not so 
linked that a change in one automatically implies a change in the 
other. An increase in rural incomes does not mean a proportional de- 
crease in urban incomes as a result of increased expenditures for food. 
On the other hand, an increase in what urban dwellers must pay for food 
does not necessarily imply a corresponding increase in rural incomes. 

A principal cause for the weakness of the relationship between 
the price received by the rural producer and the urban consumer is the 
food marketing structure in Peru. On the average, the price received 
by a producer is about one-half that paid by the urban consumer. This 
is in large part because food produced by small-scale agriculturalists 
must usually pass through at least three levels of merchants before 



-108- 

being purchased by an urban consumer. These include intermediarios or 
acopiadores who purchase small quantities of a product from a number of 
individual producers and perform a preliminary bulking function, and 
the minoristas , who make the final retail sales to consumers. Fre- 
quently, these individuals have relatively sm.all-scale enterprises and 
control little capital (Esculies Larrabure et ai. 1977; Rubio Correa 
1977). As noted in the discussion of the urban growth of Juliaca, 
minoristas are frequently former small-scale producers who have left 
the countryside. In Puno markets, the same individuals often act as 
minoristas, selling manufactured goods to rural consumers, and as 
intermediarios. purchasing agricultural products to carry back to 
the city. 

The intermediarios tend to have an advantage in their market rela- 
tions with producers because their purchasing activities are subject 
to no control or supervision. Also because there are nomially rela- 
tively few intermediarios in relation to the number of producers wishing 
to sell, producers are frequently placed in a position of competing with 
one another to sell at a price the intermediarios will accept. Minor - 
lstas_ who are selling food to consumers in urban markets, however, are 
subject to official regulation and supervision of varying strictness. 
They must also compete with one another for the trade of consumers. 
This severely limits their economic opportunities. 

Both intermediarios and minoristas , however, find themselves at a 
decided disadvantage before the mayoristas , who perform the role of 
bulking the purchases of a number of intermediarios , transporting the 
food to the urban markets of consumption, and selling it to numerous 
minoristas for sale to consumers. Not all mayoristas are large-scale 



-109- 



entrepreneurs. Many are, however, and it is this group which possesses 
the trucks and other means of moving produce from the countryside to 
urban markets. This frequently requires the control of considerable 
capital. Mayoristas are relatively few in number when compared with 
the number of intermediaries and minoristas who depend upon them. For 
this reason, they can effectively refuse to buy from or sell to those 
individuals with whom they do not have smooth relationships. Mayoristas 
also exercise considerable political and economic power, which allows 
them to ignore or avoid official measures designed to restrict their 
activities. Complaints against market abuses are frequent and occa- 
sionally result in government action to enforce the law. However, the 
prosecution of mayoristas for violating the laws regarding food com- 
mercialization is extremely rare, since either out of fear of the 
mayoristas or ignorance of the law, consumers and minoristas generally 
do not protest their illegal activities (La Cronica 1980a; 1980b; 
Esculies Larrabure et al_. 1977). 

Peruvian agrarian policy is characterized by various contradic- 
tions which serve to defeat the purpose of increasing the availability 
of inexpensive food to urban consumers. This failure, in turn, under- 
mines any arguments favoring the continuation of these policies which 
do not benefit the majority of agriculturalists. First, those agri- 
cultural activities which have particularly benefitted from government 
support frequently end up exporting a large part of feir production 
rather than selling it domestically. In 1978, exports of beans, frozen 
chickens, potatoes, large-grain white corn, and frozen fish amounted to 
more than $23,000,000.00. In late 1979 and early 1980, exports of 
pork, chicken, wheat flour, noodles, eggs, cheese, and butter were 



^~i^Himii 1 1 1 ■wo iiiniaa 



-no- 
authorized (Eguren 1980:41). Many of these goods are basic items in 
the market basket of the urban consumer which are simultaneously imported 
by the government to satisfy the urban demand that domestic production 
does not satisfy. These imports have been subsidized at considerable 
expense by the government so that they are affordable to a large segment 
of the urban population. 

However, the fiscal restraints imposed upon Peru by international 
financial institutions as a result of the nation's high foreign debt 
make it necessary to raise food prices. The government has tried to 
justify the raising of prices for processed foods on the grounds that 
they were trying to stimulate domestic production. However, the raising 
of prices has resulted in a decline in consumption so that domestic 
producers found that there was no market for their goods at the new 
prices (Alvarez 1980:49). Thus, not only do food prices rise, but the 
goal of maintaining political stability is defeated because decrees 
raising food prices focus popular discontent directly on the govern- 
ment. The tendency for food prices to rise is intensified because so 
much food is imported. This must be paid for in a "hard" currency, 
usually dollars, in relation to which Peruvian currency has been losing 
value steadily during most of the 1970s. 

The large amount of food production in the hands of foreign or 
multinational concerns presents a problem of control. This has two 
aspects. One relates to the question of politics. Because the pro- 
duction of basic foodstuffs is concentrated in the hands of only a few 
companies, these have the power to create shortages of basic food pro- 
ducts in order to insure favorable treatment from the government. It 
has been alleged that shortages, such as those which occurred in the 



■» -r' » m kB^,rm. i ii -mr , 



-Ill- 



cases of evaporated milk, sugar, and wheat flour, in 1980, were the 
result of industry pressures on the government to raise food prices. 
These allegations were not conclusively proven; however, no one denies 
the power of the companies involved to take such an action should they 
choose to do so. The problem is officially recognized in the country's 
new constitution, which became effective with the inauguration of 
Belaunde on July 28, 1980. The constitution forbids the monopolistic or 
oligopolistic control of basic foodstuffs; however, it appears doubtful 
that the state has the power to enforce this provision (El Piario de 
Marka 1980a; 1980b). 

The second aspect of the problem of controlling multinational cor- 
porations which produce food is economic. The multinational enter- 
prises respond to international forces of supply and demand which do 
not necessarily correspond to Peruvian food needs. In fact, in the 
case of many of the processed foods produced by multinational companies, 
it appears that domestic food needs are translated into solvent demand 
only by virtue of state intervention. 

The policies of price regulation as a means of maintaining imported 
processed foodstuffs within the reach of a broad section of the urban 
population have proven difficult to enforce. Although the government 
establishes official prices for most foodstuffs and has what, on paper, 
are stringent laws regulating the transport of food, it has been very 
unsuccessful in keeping food from finding its way to those places where 
prices are the highest. A great deal of this food is smuggled out of 
the country, while, within Peru, for whatever reason, frequent food 
shortages force those who can to pay premium black market prices for 
goods. Low-income households thus find they cannot afford to buy food, 



' *< j* <i^ amsammmom 



■112- 



even though the price is controlled. In addition, the snuggling of 
food out Of the country constitutes a drain that must be made up with 
even more imports if the government wishes to head off popular dis- 
content caused by a lack of food for the urban consumers. 

^^^^i^^^^I-^ailcultui^^ 

Economy of Sar_ at^ 

Although urban growth since the 1940s and 1950s has generally been 
most dramatic in the coastal cities of Peru, major urban growth was 
also taking place in highland cities such as Puno and Juliaca. The 
course of this growth in Juliaca, the major urban center to which Sarata 
is joined, has already been described. The growth of cities in Puno 
department and the economic conditions generated in this largely rural 
highland department by government agricultural policies have profoundly 
influenced food production and marketing practices by the small-scale 
producers there. 

Prior to 1940, traditional social relations rather than forces of 
supply and demand determined how much food rural producers would offer 
for sale and at what price. Urban dwellers used coercive behavior to 
extract food from the countryside, a practice which made producers re- 
luctant to sell, and which, in turn, intensified the coercive efforts 
of the urban merchants. Because they were the only purveyors of food, 
these merchants were able to prevail upon local authorities to dis- 
courage intrusions from outsiders by imposing fines. This kept to a 
minimum the competition among merchants which might have created condi- 
tions that would have encouraged producers to freely sell their food 
products. The local markets of the region were characterized by problems 



■113- 



of insufficient supply as a result of conditions they had themselves 
created (Appleby 1976). 

This pattern of local markets extracting food surpluses for the 
respective towns could only continue as long as the urban population 
was relatively small, and the markets were controlled by members of the 
elite social class. As the urban population grew as a result of the 
factors discussed in the present chapter, U outstripped the ability of 
the local markets to supply foodstuffs by traditional means and it made 
the control of the markets by the elites increasingly difficult. These 
events were accompanied by the establishment of rural markets with 
locations and meeting times that provided producers with choices re- 
garding when and where to sell their food. This transformed the various 
markets of the pre-1940 period into a regional marketing system in the 
decades following 1940 (Appleby 1976). 

The development of a regional market system signified the increas- 
ing responsiveness of producers to economic factors which transcended 
their relationships with local urban elites. Producers began to feel 
the effects of government economic policies and the expansion plans of 
multinational economic enterprises drawn up in executive board rooms in 
the United States, Western Europe, or Japan just as tangibly as they 
had felt the efforts of local elites to extract a surplus from them in 
the past. Puno producers during the 1970s, for example, responded to 
inflation by offering less of their food products for sale, and seeking 
to obtain a higher return on their labor through other activities. 

The response of saratenos indicates that they have been very closely 
attuned to the changing economic conditions fostered by government policy 
and the expansion of capitalist enterprises with strong international 



-114- 



ties. As has been indicated, an adaptive strategy has developed in 
Sarata based upon the production of food for household consumption, 
with virtually no food being produced for sale. Household cash needs 
are most commonly satisfied through some combination of seasonal migra- 
tion to agricultural enterprises around Arequipa to find employment as 
wage laborers, the seasonal cultivation of coffee and citrus in the 
Tambopata Valley, and trade and transport across the international 
border with Bolivia. 

Saratehos_ have thus become involved in precisely those sectors of 
the Peruvian economy whose growth and development government policy has 
sought to foment. Numerous employment opportunities were generated with 
the development of capitalist agricultural enterprises. Capitalist 
enterprises are found throughout the coastal region, but the Majes 
irrigation project and the growth of the milk industry with the sup- 
porting institutions they require have made Arequipa a magnet for 
seasonal or occasional laborers from all over southern Peru. 

Although the bringing of coffee-producing lands under production 
has received little government support and the prices have varied over 
time, coffee has presented saratenos with an opportunity to earn a pro- 
fit greater than could be realized in producing food crops. Because few 
inputs are used, production costs for small producers are low. Also, 
coffee production does not generally conflict with the labor demands of 
subsistence food production. For these reasons, saratenos were willing 
to initiate coffee production in spite of physical hardship and the low 
prices offered by private entrepreneurs in the initial years of coffee 
cultivation in the Tambopata Valley. The extension of a road farther 
into the valley greatly facilitated the arduous task of getting coffee 



■ ia w i *»i Qj — Ti C imwi ^ u V i»ov Ki mrm i' 0m> 



•115- 



fro. the field to points where it could be shipped to .arket, and the 
establishment of state-controlled coffee cooperatives increased the 
price producers could hope to receive. For these reasons, coffee has 
been an attractive money-earning activity for many saratenos, in spite 
Of the fact that, as Alvarez (1980:19) notes, the opportunities for 
profit were limited somewhat by government controls on the domestic 
price of coffee to consumers. 

Smuggling on the scale presently observed in the district is a 
direct response to government agricultural policies. By converting Peru 
into an enclave for artificially cheap processed foodstuffs whose dis- 
tribution was controlled by a relatively few politically powerful entre- 
preneurs invited the smuggling of foodstuffs into other countries. 
Efforts to control the flow of products to those areas where prices 
were highest by passing laws regulating their transport was naive at 
best. Sarateno^ have been able to take advantage of their location on 
the border with Bolivia to act as agents of those directing the inter^ 
national flow of goods, some acting so skillfully as to become control- 
ling forces of the trade in their own right. 

Saratenos were able to find relatively profitable alternatives to 
selling their food produce with market prices depressed by government 
policies which were designed to provision urban populations with cheap 
food produced either by domestic capitalist enterprises or imported ones. 
The relative success of ^aratenos should not be allowed to overshadow 
the fact that millions of other rural dwellers have left their lands 
and moved permanently to urban areas, either pushed off because prices 
were so low that households could not support themselves selling their 
food production, or drawn to those areas where the trappings of 



"^ '""iJiiii i m aiiiB I I 1 1 11 



-116- 



development, roads, Industry, and public services, were most apparent. 
The migration into these areas has outstripped the ability of government 
and industry to provide cheap food and employment. The per capita food 
production of goods for urban consumption has declined steadily since 
1969 (Alvarez 1980:20-22), and in cities such as Juliaca the greatest 
part of the population growth is accounted for by people working in 
commerce as impoverished retail merchants (Velasquez Rodrfguez 1978). 
At the same time, the production of traditional staples in the rural 
areas has been experiencing an annual £er capita decline because food 
production has become increasingly unprofitable. Policies which have 
shaped the recent course of Peruvian development have relegated food 
production to the status of a subsistence activity. 



"<" *: ■<■ T B^i J -JteCCB*-^ 



CHAPTER IV 
THE PROCESSES OF PRODUCTION 

Introduction 

The present chapter will examine the productive activities in which 
• the campesinos of Sarata participate. These include non-capitalist 
activities, which are primarily linked to subsistence agriculture, and 
capitalist activities, specifically wage labor in the cities, smuggling, 
and the production of cash crops in the tropical Tambopata Valley. 
Through a description of these activities, this chapter will examine how 
they are interrelated within the household unit of production and how 
-they constrain one another in terms of their respective labor require- 
ments. It will also examine how the household organizes itself internal- 
ly in order to carry out the diverse activities as well as the ties 
that are formed with other households in order to have access to labor 
at critical periods. Consideration will also be given to the level of 
technology at which a particular activity is realized and the cost or 
capital investment required to realize the activity at a particular 
level of technology. 

Landholdinq Institutions 
Communities and Individuals 

Before trying to describe the agricultural activities themselves, 
it would be well to discuss some of the ground rules that help organize 



-117- 



- i** ff> ii dtrfc* fi-i , r «>i - 



-118- 



production, those of land tenure. Land tenure among the campesinos is 
based upon individual ownership of small plots of land. Both men and 
women are landowners and both inherit lands from their parents, usually 
upon marriage, and both men and women may purchase or trade land. 
Theoretically, all children in a household inherit land equally; however, 
it is generally accepted that the child who remains home to care for the 
parents as they grow older will receive a larger inheritance, frequently 
the parents' house. Frequently this role falls to the youngest off- 
spring. 

The bestowing of land on the husband and wife at the time of 
marriage by their respective parents is both the ceremonial and physi- 
cal constitution of a new household unit of production. It is recog- 
nition of full adult status with the rights and duties that implies in 
Aymara society. It is also the passing along of the principal means of 
production, land, marking the successful biological and social repro- 
duction of the household. The lands that one receives from one's 
parents are not located in adjacent nor even necessarily nearby areas. 
The different plots are small in size, frequently consisting of a single 
furrow in a given place, and scattered over a wide area. This is to 
maximize the diversity of crops thay may be grown on the land and 
minimize the usually localized effects of frost and hail. 

Through marriage, a man and woman and, soon, their children form a 
new household unit of production and consumption. Household labor is 
performed as a unit. However, the land as well as whatever movable 
property each person brings to the marriage remain the property of that 
person alone. There is no such thing as joint property, in land or 
anything else, in marriage. If a woman brings a wiri_, or footplow, to 



■119- 



the marriage her husband may use it in performing household labor, but 
the wij:i_ continues to belong to the woman alone. The same is true of 
land. A person will normally work together with the spouse in cultivating 
an land, but the responsibility and power of ownership remains with 
the person who brought the land into the household, and the production 
of that land belongs to the owner. Normally, decisions regarding their 
property are made by the husband and wife in consultation for the over- 
all good of the household, but ultimately the decision of what to do 
lies with the person who owns the means of production in question in a 
particular case. 

Although a household begins on the basis of lands inherited from 
parents, there are various ways in which it may increase or modify its 
landholdings. One of these is through purchase. Either a man or a 
woman may purchase land. Purchase is most frequently associated with 
land in or around the town. Many people buy property in town to make 
it easier to have access to transport facilities if they have some sort 
Of business, or to make it easier for their children to attend the high 
school in town, which is generally believed to be better than those 
located in the countryside. Land is often purchased from vecino 
families moving out of Sarata. The agricultural land of the vecinos is 
frequently located just outside of the town limits and includes some 
of the choicest irrigated plots in the district. 

Landholdings may be modified through uraqi^ur turkasina , or land 
exchange. These most frequently occur with other cam^eHnos, and the 
most frequently cited reason for doing it is to rid oneself of lands 
that are inconveniently far away from one's home and acquire others 
which are closer. Thus, a person may have distant lands that are close 



-120- 



to the home of someone who, in turn, owns distant lands located near the 
home of the first person. If the lands are judged to be of equal value 
the people may simply trade them. 

Individuals and households function within the institutional frame- 
work of a community. This is, in fact, a relatively recent phenomenon. 
What the institutions responsible for the political ordering of house- 
holds were and how they functioned prior to the arrival of the Spanish 
can really only be guessed at due to the massive reorganization of the 
region in the wake of the conquest which changed social and political 
institutions radically. The Spanish organized the district of Sarata on 
the basis of the ayllu . Each ayl 1 u had certain areas of land assigned 
to it. In some cases these were contiguous and in other cases they 
were not. Households were identified on the basis of belonging to an 
aj^u. The district of Sarata contained twelve ayl 1 u . This continued 
until approximately the mid-to-late 1950s, when areas of the ayllu , 
particularly those which did not border any other part of their ayl 1 u , 
began to seek recognition in their own right as communities. This was 
done primarily to become eligible for their own public school. The 
process of communities replacing ayllu as the primary institutional 
affiliation of households required a number of years. By the mid- 
1960s, the ayllu were still considered to be the organizing institution 
of the countryside. Today, very few activities are organized by ayllu , 
although everyone knows to which ayllu their community belongs, and 
which are the other communities forming part of their ayllu . 

The present-day communities of Sarata are of two types, recognized 
comunidades campesinas , which were known as comunidades indfgenas prior 
to the agrarian reform carried out by the government of General Juan 



■121- 



Velasco Alvarado, and non-recog„1zed pardalidade. . Recognition is a 
status conferred by the national government in «h1ch the community is 
legally a corporate landholding unit. Although within the co«n1ty land 
rnay be seen as belonging to an individual, individuals may not legally 
sell any part of the co-unity's lands. Nor is an individual supposed 
to own land outside of one's o«n recognized comunity. This is dis- 
couraged either through the outright prohibition of owning land in a 
recognized community, or by taxing property that may be legally bought 
and sold by individuals. These restrictions were enacted in order to 
protect the communities fro. losing their lands and being broken up by 
pressure being placed on individuals to sell their land. and to .ake it 
difficult for someone to become an absentee landlord. However, they do 
not take into account the adaptation by the people to the physical 
environment through the diversification and dispersal of their land- 
holdings, and the restrictions are honored more in the breach than in 
their observance. 

Most of the communities in Sarata are not, in fact, recognized. 
The majority of the communities which are recognized seem to be those 
which were among the first to separate from the a^. Achieving 
recognition was one of the steps taken in order to gain a co«nity 
school. However, non-recognized communities were also able to secure 
their own schools and the incentive for becking recognized was lessened 
Surprisingly, few of Sarata's recognized communities achieved recog- 
nition under the agrarian reform of Velasco although it was this effort 
that brought the institution of recognized communities international 
fame. This was in part due to the tremendous public relations campaign 
that the government sponsored to make people aware of the benefits to 



-122- 



beaccrued f™ recognized status. In „any ways this ™ade people more 
reluctant to get Involved than a more "low-key" approach ™,ght have. 
The ca^jgesinos reasoned that 1f the government wanted the co^unitles 
to become recognized so badly it must have some motive other than their 
Interest in mind. This was coupled with the fact that because of the 
lengthy bureaucratic process involved in achieving recognition, many of 
the agrarian refo™ institutions charged with dealing with recognized 
co«n1ties ceased to function before Interested c^unities could com- 
plete the papemork. as the agrarian reform entered its "second phase" 
under the government of General Francisco Morales Bermiidez. Also, on 
at least one occasion, vecinos. who stood to lose lands which would 
have been Inside the boundaries of a community, physically prevented 
agrarian reform officials from reaching the community. 

Within this generalized pattern of Individual land ownership among 
peasant co«unities, there are cooperative activities. Sane of the com- 
"^unities in the low-lying areas near Lake Titicaca have what are known 
as suyu lands. These are individually owned plots which adjoin one 
another. The rotation cycles have been coordinated so that all are 
growing the same crop at the same time. In periods where labor inten- 
sive activities are required, the entire comunity works the land as 
If it were a single unit, although all production belongs to the indi- 
vidual landowners. This approach relieves the insecurity often ex- 
perienced by households as they compete among themselves to secure their 
additional labor needs. The entire community works together on the 
suiu lands and everyone is guaranteed equal access to the labor. 

In other communities sujai 'and refers to co™„on pasture land. 
During the periods of the rotation cycle in which crops are being 



-123- 



cultivated a particular piece of land has individual owners. When it 
enters the fallow period of the rotation cycle, however, anyone ™ay 
graze their animals on it until it is ti.e to bring the land back under 

cultivation once more. 

Many communities have land which has been designated as belonging 
to their school. The production of this land is often used as the basis 
for lunches prepared for the students. Sc^eti.es a vegetable crop that 
can usually be sold at a relatively good profit, such as tomatoes, is 
rown on school land and the proceeds are used for buying new school 
equipment or expanding the facilities. 

The different mechanics by which land is owned and utilized do not 
constitute a smoothly operating structure. Disputes are common among 
individual landowners. People frequently allege that one neighbor or 
another is encroaching on their lands. At the first sign of disuse or 
inattention by its owner, someone „„1 attempt to appropriate a par- 
ticularly choice plot. If the community as a whole can be convinced 
that an owner has been neglecting a plot, it may be decided to reassign 
the plot to someone else. Activities that require the participation of 
- entire community, or a large part of a community, frequently provide 
the context for charges that one or another household is not contributing 
Its fair share to the community. 

Such friction is a manifestation of an ongoing tension within 
communities between collectivist or cooperativist tendencies on one 
hand and very individualistic tendencies on the other. Communities 
recognize from long experience the dangers of disunity in leaving them 
vulnerable to external pressures, and they equally recognize the secu- 
n-ty and possible advantages to be gained by presenting a united front 



•^■■lll I I l[ ■ W »|||| 



-124- 



to all non-mmbers. Rarely does a co«nity meeting pass without the 
participants exhorting one another to put the interests of the community 
above their personal interests or desires for gain, with reference to 
such things as accepting a civic office or contributing labor to a 
community project. However, no one behaves in that way or really ex- 
pects that anyone else will. Community decisions are made on the basis 
of a unanimous concensus on a question, and a concensus must be built 
on every issue that comes up by convincing all of the households that 
a particular course of action is in its interest as a household. This 
means that the decision-making process is usually a painfully long one 
from the point of view of a Western observer, and sometimes it appears 
that opportunities are missed because of indecision. It also means that 
a course of action, once agreed upon, will be pursued very implacably. 
The tension between tendencies toward collective and individual action 
may be one reason that observers of Andean communities have differed 
widely among themselves in the characterizations they have made along 
these lines. The ethos of co«nities in Sarata is certainly very much 
a product of the issue facing them at a particular moment. 

More importantly for purposes of the present analysis, the case- 
by-case acting out of individualistic and cooperative tendencies within 
communities is very revealing of an important characteristic shared by 
all, recognized and non-recognized alike. The communities are but 
agrupations of household productive units, each of which is relatively 
undifferentiated from its neighbor. The individual households are what 
control all of the means of agricultural production, while the social 
relations of production are constituted among the individual members 
within a household and by bilateral relations that each household 



-125- 



constructs and maintains with other households. As noted earlier, 
these inter-household relationships are not confined to the boundaries 
of a community even in such cases as the buying and selling of land, 
in spite of the fact that, in the case of recognized communities, indi- 
vidual land transactions are illegal, and it is the community which has 
been legally constituted as a landholding entity. Even in recognized 
communities, de facto control of land remains in the hands of individuals 
joined in household units of production. Because it does not control 
any of the means of production, the community is largely an institution 
of political convenience. Productive units larger than a single house- 
hold are, of course, forrned all the time; but, they are a product of 
the concensus among household units and not of any over-arching com- 
mnity organization. Because they have no organic links to the 
of production, neither do the communities have any power as institu- 



means 



tions, 



Labor Exchange 

There are four basic labor organizing and allocating institutions 
which operate in Sarata which organize labor on a scale larger than 
that of the household. These are mM^a, wak^l, a^, and ^^a^. All 
four institutions are products of the non-capitalist mode of production, 
and they have been performing their role of labor orbanization since 
well before the time that capitalism began to make inroads into the 
Sarata economy. In the present, these institutions allow households 
to participate simultaneously in capitalist and non-capitalist modes 
of production. 



-126- 



Miilk^a refers to exchanging one's labor for cash within the context 
of traditional relations between the different social strata in Sarata. 
It is different from capitalist wage labor in that the transaction is 
not complete when a task has been performed and money is handed over to 
the people who performed it. llin^ u part of a larger on-going pattern 
of social relations. It is most commonly associated with exchanges 
between households of the vecirio and cam£esino social strata in which 
camResinos provide labor for a nominal sum of money to a particular 
vecjno family in exchange for services such as legal aid or the right 
to graze livestock on the vecino family's pasture land. In the rural 
communities, mijlK:^ my be practiced among campesinos. Every household 
must provide labor to other households in order to have the right to 
request labor services for itself, and mink^ fits into the general 
pattern of exchange. In the rural communities, people who are asked 
to work have the right to specify if they would prefer to work for 
money, minf^, or for a repayment in kind at a later time, a^ni. 

The customary wage paid to mink^a laborers, in the area of $0.80 
to$1.00per day, is low compared to the wages paid in capitalist 
activities. Also, at critical periods in the agricultural cycle, being 
able to call on someone to repay a labor debt is a much more valuable 
asset than cash. Therefore, unless they have an immediate and specific 
need for cash, people generally prefer not to work for minkj^. Because 
of rapid inflation, it is virtually impossible to find anyone who will 
by choice engage in mink:^ at the present time. Cash can lose value 
from one day to the next in terms of the goods it will buy, but the 
potential crop return on a day's labor remains constant. Because of 
the relatively high return offered by wage labor in capitalist activities 



■127- 



and the inflationary pressure generated by capitalist penetration. 
lEinlila appears to be declining in importance. 

The institution of waTi reflects the importance placed upon the 
time required to carry out the different economic activities. As has 
been indicated, the agricultural cycle has certain periods of high labor 
requirements during planting and harvesting seasons. These periods 
alternate with relatively slack periods during which households are 
free to engage in capitalist activities. During periods of peak activity 
in the agricultural cycle, the household may lack the necessary labor 
resources to perform a task within the required time frame. The insti- 
tutions by which labor is bought and sold or exchanged under iscussion 
here embody ways of dealing with this problem. In addition to the 
environmental constraints which force that certain tasks must be carried 
out within certain time limits, participation in the capitalist mode 
of production adds another pressure; less time required to fill basic 
subsistence needs means that more time is available for capitalist 
activities. 

Wak^i provides a means for both reducing the amount of time re- 
quired for subsistence activities and for maintaining the access one 
has to different ecological zones. The practice of exchanging fields 
Of equal value so that both parties acquire land close to their homes 
( ura^Eur tur^aslna ) has been discussed. This reflects the increasing 
unwillingness of people to spend large amounts of time walking to and 
from distant fields. The disadvantage, of course, is that by sacri- 
ficing a distant field to gain another closer to home, one is frequently 
sacrificing the productive diversity of fields located in different 
ecological zones. 



-128- 



Wak^ Offers a solution to this proble™. Basically. ,^ .ese.bles 
sharecropping arrangenients found in the United states and elsewhere, 
with the exception that, in Sarata, the parties which enter a wari' 
relationship are social equals. In ^a^, ,„, p,,t, p„„.,,^ ^^^ ,^^^_ 
and another provides the labor. Inputs are provided by mutual agree- 
ment, and the crop that results from this collaboration is divided 
evenly by the two parties. This allows a person to maintain access to 
the produce of a distant ecological zone without having to make the 
large investment in time getting to and from the zone. In addition, 
m^ does not necessarily imply a loss of food because of having to 
divide the crop. A person might provide the land in the case of a field 
far from home, and also agree to provide labor on someone else's field 
located nearby and thus receive one-half the harvestfrom two different 
fields rather than the entire harvest from a single field. 

Ami is the primary institution by which a household marshals the 
labor resources necessary to perform tasks that have labor requirements 
which the members of the family cannot perform by themselves. AM is 
the balanced exchange of goods or. more to the point of the present 
discussion, labor which Is carried out between households. If one 
household gives another a sack of potatoes, the household that received 
the potatoes is expected to make a reciprocal gesture of comparable 
value at some unspecified future time. Likewise. 1f an adult member 
of one household performs a day's labor for another household, the 
latter household owes the fon„er one day of adult labor. 

During peak agricultural periods, a^. is the institution that 
allows households to assemble work parties sufficiently large to carry 
out tasks With dispatch. If a household finds itself short-handed 



-129- 



because of a member being absent, it may call upon other households to 
provide the necessary laborers on the basis of the a^ relationship. 
Given the present level of technology, most households do not have suf- 
ficient labor to carry out many agricultural tasks within the time frame 
that environmental constraints demand. The desire and need to earn 
cash creates another pressure toward completing agricultural tasks as 
quickly as possible without placing the household food supply in 
jeopardy. Households must thus depend upon one another to be success- 
ful in their basic subsistence activities, 

P::ayna is the institution by which communities, or sectors of 
communities, marshal labor for the carrying out of a project for the 
common good. Such projects include the building of a sheep bath, school, 
or community center, or repairs to a road or an irrigation system. 
Sometimes households have the choice of providing labor or of making a 
financial contribution toward the provision of food for those who do 
work. Since the initiation of a community project depends upon a pre- 
vious consensus by all involved, few people try to avoid participation, 
and those who do are usually responsive to gentle reminders of their 
obligations. 

P::ayna sometimes refers also to work projects directed by govern- 
ment authorities, to which communities are required to supply a certain 
number of laborers for a specified period of time. Failure to comply 
means payment of a fine or spending some time in jail, m the past, 
this was called mV^. Attitudes regarding these projects vary. Some- 
times, there is general agreement that a project needs to be done, that 
1t will be of benefit to all concerned, and that without the coercive 
power of the government the corr„munities would not be able to organize 



-130- 

on a scale necessary to see the project completed. On the other hand, 
one recent government-sponsored p"ayna involved forcing highland herding 
communities to spend several days constructing a new boat dock in a 
small bay of Lake Titicaca. In this case, the highlanders came grudging- 
ly, and responded to exhortations to work harder by the district governor 
by walking off the job en masse . 

The problem which faces the institution of p"ayna , however, is that 
with increasing involvement in the capitalist economy, people are less 
willing to devote time to community projects. A household must expect 
a concrete return on its contribution to become involved, and with in- 
creasingly diverse involvement in the capitalist economy households 
perceive their interests as lying along increasingly diverse pathways. 
Ironically, those projects which generally continue to elicit a con- 
census among households, building schools and maintaining roads, for 
example, are also directly linked to capitalist penetration into the 
district. 

S.A.I.S. San Juan 

In addition to the peasant communities, there are other agrarian 
institutions which operate under distinct systems of land tenure. One 
of these is the S.A.I.S. (Sociedad Agraria de Interes Social) San Juan, 
a product of the Peruvian agrarian reform. Prior to the agrarian re- 
form, the land which currently comprises S.A.I.S. San Juan belonged to 
twelve different fundos , or "farms." Eleven of these were owned by 
individuals representing four different families, while one belonged 
to an order of nuns. The fundos in Sarata constituted parts of more 



■131- 



extensive landholdings by these private owners, who also owned land in 
other districts of the region. The fundos in Sarata varied somewhat in 
size and were not necessarily contiguous, although they were concentrated 
in the northeastern part of the district, an area characterized by a 
mixed pattern of herding and agriculture. 

All of the fundoi had families of tenants, colonos , living on them, 
who provided the labor for carrying out the different productive activi- 
ties. In return, they were given access to land for the purpose of 
maintaining subsistence agricultural plots and their own herds of animals. 
For their part the owners varied in their use of the fur^ from main- 
taining them as strictly subsistence operations to efforts to construct 
mechanized commercial fanr.s. In some cases, the owners took an active 
interest in the day-to-day administration of their fundos , while, in 
others, they were absentee landlords, rarely, if ever, seen by the 
col^oi, or tenant laborers. In at least one case, the owner rented 
his fundo to another individual to exploit as he pleased and keep what- 
ever profit was realized after paying the rent. 

As part of the agrarian reform, these lands were expropriated from 
their owners and joined under a single administration as a S.A.I.S., 
one of six administrative models used by the Peruvian government in 
creating state-owned, cooperative enterprises. The area of S.A.I.S. 
San Juan is impressive, although it is not among the larger institutions 
of its kind created. Located entirely within the district of Sarata, 
S.A.I.S. San Juan occupies approximately 304 of the 700 square kilometers 
of land in the district, and in 1979, 1239 people were reported to live 
on the cooperative. 



-132- 



When the fundos were expropriated, the "heads of households" of 
the colono families became members or socios of the S.A.I.S.. This 
meant that at the time of adjudication, in 1975, the S.A.I.S. had about 
204 socios. Since that time, administrative and technical personnel 
were brought in and the work force has increased, although the current 
number of socios is not clear. 

The socioi elect delegates to represent them in a general assembly 
of the S.A.I.S. Theoretically, the general assembly represents the 
interests of all the socios, laborers and administrative and technical 
personnel alike, which makes policy decisions concerning the adminis- 
tration of the enterprise. Each socio is paid a wage, with the amount 
varying according to job classification. Unskilled laborers receive 
the least money, while people with a trade specialty or relevant skill 
receive more. Technicians and administrators receive the most money. 
In theory, all are co-equal socios; however, the delegates to the 
general assembly were persuaded that non-technical and non-administra- 
tive personnel should forego their salaries for the first two years 
following the establishment of the S.A.I.S., in the interest of getting 
the enterprise started to a more fiscally sound beginning. 

In addition to the salary earned by the socios , they and their 
families are allowed to cultivate individual subsistence plots to meet 
their own food needs. They are also allowed to maintain their own 
private herds of animals on S.A.I.S. lands, although the enterprise 
tries to limit the size of the familial herds, so they do not compete 
with the herds of the S.A.I.S. for pasture land. The enterprise would 
like to limit familial herds to about 40 head of sheep per household, 
or the equivalent. Deductions are made from a soclo's salary according 



-133- 



to the number of head in excess of this figure the family owns. This 
figure is expressed in terms of head of sheep and a series of calcula- 
tions has been established for converting all livestock to sheep- 
equivalents. One cow is considered the equivalent of eight sheep, for 
example. The socio^ complain that the S.A.I.S. is more restrictive than 
were the former landlords with regard to its policy of attempting to 
limit the number of sheep they may own. The S.A.I.S., on the other 
hand, reports that individual families owned a total of 23,710 sheep in 
1979, constituting nearly 50 percent of the total sheep on the enter- 
prise's land. 

The S.A.I.S. cultivates some crops, specifically potatoes, oats, 
mnoa, and kaniwa. However, it has very little interest in this sort 
of activity. Only potatoes are sold in any quantity, while cereal 
crops are dedicated to the feeding of the enterprise's livestock. It 
1s livestock raising and, more specifically, sheep raising, which con- 
stitutes the economic base of S.A.I.S. San Juan. As of 1979, the S.A.I.S. 
reported owning 24,192 sheep, while for the three year period of 1976- 
1978, it reported shearing over 20,000 sheep a year. Wool is sold 
through state-owned cooperative wool marketing enterprises. Live 
animals are sold in the local livestock market. 

The herding, shearing, and general caring for the herds of sheep 
is the primary occupation of the socios who work on the S.A.I.S. Each 
soci^ is given a flock of sheep to herd for three months. At the end 
of that time, they are turned over to another _s.ocio to herd for three 
more months before passing the flock over to a third locio and so on. 
Ideally, the locios herd the animals in shifts, with each socio having 
responsibility for a flock of sheep belonging to the S.A.I.S. for 



-134- 



one-quarter of the year. The socios coordinate the cultivation of 
household lands and individual herds with work done for the enterprise 
as best they can. In theory, they are free to organize their time and 
resources as they see fit. The basic rules are that if an animal is 
lost, the herder is responsible, and if it dies, the herder must make 
a report on the cause of death to the administration. 

In addition to herding, the socio provides the labor needed to 
supervise mating and birth of the animals, as well as worming and shear- 
ing. There are not enough socios to meet all of the labor requirements 
at peak periods of activity, and the socios must call upon family members 
to assist them at those times. Regardless of how many family members 
help, however, only the loclos are paid. This is a source of irrita- 
tion among the workers because, in addition to the fact of unremunerated 
labor, family members are diverted from tasks on the household plots 
and with the individually owned herds, and children must be taken out 
of school. The S.A.I.S. administrators see the conflict between work 
done for the enterprise and work done by households for themselves as 
a problem inherent in the labor force which reduces the productivity 
of the enterprise. At the same time, however, they concede that the 
wage paid to socjos, ranging roughly from $0.80 to $1.00^ a day depending 
upon one's job, is far from a subsistence salary, and it is the existence 
of the household production which allows the families to work for the 
S.A.I.S. at all. 

In spite of this, the administration of S.A.I.S. San Juan claims 
that one of the major obstacles to productivity which it must overcome 



'presented1n'Sl"^n?if '' ^^^^^^^se, all references to currency are 
pteseniea in U.b. dollar equivalents. 



■135- 



is an excess of labor. Some people would like to find a way to reduce 
the number of socios and increase mechanization. The S.A.I.S. already 
has one tractor and a desire to buy two more has been expressed, in the 
interest of increased efficiency. However, the tractor that the enter- 
prise now has is used only 800 hours per year, or about 89 of the nine 
hour work days the enterprise indicates should be normal for the socios . 
The expenditure required for two additional tractors is justified on 
the grounds that most of the work requiring a tractor occurs during 
barbecho, the plowing of land that has been in the fallow period of the 
rotation cycle, and that this could be accomplished more quickly with 
more tractors. Other equipment currently owned by the S.A.I.S. San 
Juan includes veterinary equipment, although there is no veterinarian, 
a harvester, a generator motor, two Dodge trucks, and a Jeep. 

The S.A.I.S. has been experiencing difficulties. Socios report 
that S.A.I.S. San Juan has borrowed between 8 and 15 million soles each 
year of its operation from the Banco Agrario del Peru for the purpose 
of purchasing livestock, equipment, and paying salar^ies. Thus far, 
the enterprise has not been able to begin repaying any of this money. 

As a result of the financial difficulties, the workers on the 
S.A.I.S. were not paid all of the salary that was owed them, even though 
they had already foregone wages for two years. Children of some of the 
socloiwho had studied at the university in Puno urged their parents 
to organize and demand the money that was owed to them. Some actions 
in this direction were apparently taken, to which the S.A.I.S. adminis- 
tration responded by "chasing away" the students and prohibiting uni- 
versity students from being socios . However, the socios report that 
they received the money that was owed to them soon after that, and that 
they have been paid on time since the incident. 



-136- 



In spite of its tremendous area and the large amount of govern- 
ment support it has received, the impact of S.A.I.S. San Juan on the 
district has been very small. Although the S.A.I.S. occupies nearly 
half the district, it is very sparsely populated, with only about five 
percent of the people of Sarata living there. For those who do live 
on S.A.I.S. San Juan the question of whether or not their standard of 
living has improved under the enterprise appears to be very much a func 
tion of which fundo they lived on prior to the agrarian reform. The 
people who lived on the fundos where the conditions were the worst in 
terms of the restrictions on household agriculture and herding, mone- 
tary remuneration of the c^lonos, and labor obligation tend to be 
those who are least critical. On the other hand, the coIono.s_ on some 
of the fur^os had larger herds of animals, were paid a higher wage, 
and had more access to technical advice, fertilizers, etc., through 
the former landowners than they presently enjoy under the S.A.I.S.. 

For the rest of the district the impact of S.A.I.S. San Juan has 
also been negligible. The enterprise sells its wool directly to the 
state-owned wool marketing concerns, transporting the wool on its own 
trucks driven by its own socios. It carries out its other activities 
in isolation from the rest of the district as well. The only contact 
occurs between individual socios and relatives who do not live on the 
S.A.I.S. Neither the socjos nor people living outside of the enter- 
prise customarily speak of S.A.I.S. San Juan, but of one or another of 
the fundos from which it was formed. For the people of Sarata, S.A.I.S. 
San Juan as an institution is very much of a non-entity. 



•■ • m_^ ^i^a, I,, .r r ^ , j . »jaa»L»i 



-137- 
Medianos Productores 



Within the district of Sarata, there are also three privately 
owned "middle-sized farms" (medianos productores ) , which were allowed 
to remain in private hands by agrarian reform officials. Ostensibly, 
the justification for these is that the medianos productores are making 
efficient use of inputs and that to tamper with them would reduce rather 
than increase productivity. All three of the medlanos productores are 
engaged primarily in raising sheep for wool, although they also raise 
other animals and cultivate both forage and food crops. Families live 
on these enterprises, providing labor as paid employees and cultivating 
their own subsistence plots and maintaining small herds of their own. 
Like the S.A.I.S., the impact of the medianos productores on the dis- 
trict is minimal as all of their commercial ties, both for buying and 
selling, by-pass local institutions and go directly to the regional 
urban center of Juliaca, where they are linked directly to regional 
and extra-regional market networks. 

Subsistence Activities in Sarata 



Subsistence and Non-Capitalist Producti 



on 



Except for the efforts at commercial wool production being made by 
S.A.I.S. San Juan and the medianos productores , agriculture in Sarata 
is a non-capitalist activity. Agriculture is non-capitalist because the 
producers of agricultural goods own all of the means of production. 
Agriculture is not characterized by workers alienated from the produc- 
tive process selling their labor for wages. Furthermore, the plant 



-138- 



Table 4-1 
Hectares of Land in Principal Crops 



Product 



S.A.I.S. 



Medianos 



Households Enterprise Productores Communities 



Potatoes 

(S^. tuberosum ) 154.00 
Potatoes 

is. andiqenum ) 113.00 

Barley and Wheat 38.00 
Broad Beans 

and Peas o.OO 

Minor Tubers 7,00 

Quinoa and Kariiwa 22.00 

Forage Grains 54.00 

Onions q.OO 

TOTAL HECTARES SSSTOO 



35.40 

10.25 
0.00 

0.00 

51.50 

10.75 

0.00 

0.00 

108.90 



12.00 



582.00 



16.00 


223.00 


6.00 


440.00 


0.00 


450.00 


0.00 


302.75 


0.00 


114.00 


35.00 


276.00 


0.00 


9.00 


69.00 


2,396.75 







Table 4-2 
Head of Major Livestock 








S.A 


.I.S. 


Communities 




Animal 


Household 


MeUidtiub 
Enterprise Productores 


Total 


Sheep 
Camel ids 
Cattle 
Pigs 


23,710 

2,990 

1,792 

408 


24,182 4829 
469 571 
485 245 
-?. 39 


36,585 

5,457 
6,700 
2,678 


89,356 
9,487 
9,222 
3,125 



-139- 



and animal goods which result from agricultural production may not 
properly be referred to as commodities since they are not sold. Agri- 
culture is carried out for the purposes of producing use value. Because 
there is a market economy in which agricultural goods may be sold at 
cash prices, the goods produced in Sarata do potentially have a price. 
However, agricultural goods are seldom sold. Among producers, agri- 
cultural goods are exchanged, usually for other agricultural goods or 



for labor. 



The present section will examine the process of agricultural pro- 
duction in Sarata as it relates to the goods produced in the area. The 
means of production and the social relations of production which define 
agriculture as non-capitalist will be examined in particular detail. 
Not only are these factors important in considering agricultural produc- 
tion, but they are also very important in understanding the participa- 
tion of Sarata households in capitalist activities. These households 
participate in agriculture for the purpose of producing their own food, 
and the meeting of this objective takes precedence over any other 
activity in which the household unit or any of its members may be in- 
volved. Stated in the simplest terms, the amount of time people have 
for capitalism is determined by the amount of time required by their 
household to meet its own food needs. This, in turn, is a factor of 
the length of the growing season and the time or labor requirements of 
the household's crops and livestock. 

In the case of Sarata, the non-capitalist mode of production in 
its concrete manifestation of subsistence agriculture is dominant be- 
cause the requirements of agriculture are what determine the nature 
of a household's participation in capitalist activities. If forced to 



■140- 



decide between continuing agricultural production and becoming full- 
time participants in one or another capitalist activity, there is little 
room for doubt that households in Sarata would opt for agriculture. 

Having so flatly stated this, however, two caveats must be added. 
First, to say that a non-capitalist mode of production is dominant is 
not to deny the importance of capitalist activities in the overall pro- 
ductive strategy of Sarata households. It is not suggested that Sarata 
is a place which has somehow defeated or otherwise turned back capitalist 
expansion. 

One of the most apparent manifestations of capitalist expansion is 
the importance of money as a medium of exchange. This is because people 
are involved in an increasing number of exchange relationships where 
money is the only medium of exchange that is accepted. This is the 
case in the purchase of imported foodstuffs such as sugar, rice, and 
vegetable oil which comprise an increasingly large part of household 
diets, as well as in activities such as paying taxes, or in the purchase 
of cement for the construction of a community sheep bath. It is only 
through participation in the capitalist mode of production that cash 
may be acquired. In addition, the money earned through participation 
m the capitalist mode of production provides an important "safety net" 
for households in the event of a drought or other natural phenomenon 
provoking a crisis in subsistence agriculture. 

It should also be remembered that assigning the role of dominance 
in the social formation reflects conditions as they were observed 
during a particular period of time. If we accept the notion that 
capitalism is essentially an expansive phenomenon, then we must assume 
that a non-capitalist mode of production will not remain dominant 



■=^ ^ . Mrr«n«w— (f* •<"ww-.» * -. m^ -^.■*-»-tu 



-141- 



forever. While noting that, in the initial stages of capitalist pene- 
tration, the non-capitalist mode of production which has previously 
existed in an area may be re-informed, Rey (1973) is explicit in saying 
that it will ultimately be supplanted and replaced by a capitalist mode 
of production. 

The second caveat is that the case of Sarata is not being presented 
as describing any situation except that of Sarata. Indeed, Sarata is 
unusual in that historical and geographical particularities have be- 
stowed upon its population the luxury of maintaining agriculture as a 
strictly subsistence activity located outside of the capitalist mode of 
production. This is possible because of the wide variety of capitalist 
activities in which they may choose to participate. Populations in 
other regions of the Andes frequently do not have the options that the 
people of Sarata enjoy. On the other hand, the fact that so many 
capitalist options have presented themselves without establishing 
captialism as the dominant mode of production is revealing both in 
terms of the sorts of enterprises that are attracted to the frontier 
of capitalist expansion and what factors draw them there. 

By examining in detail the non-capitalist and capitalist produc- 
tive processes operating in Sarata, the present chapter will attempt 
to draw attention to the dynamic relationship that exists between the 
distinct modes of production over time. It will discuss the contra- 
dictory nature of this articulation and, hopefully, provide a basis 
for discussing the implications of Sarata for broader questions regard- 
ing capitalist expansion and national development. 



Ti"ainiiiiia<a^ 



-142- 



Potatoes and Minor Tubers 



Potatoes, specifically papa dulce (SolarMTi tuberosum) and papa 
amar^a (Solarium andi^enum) are the most important crops grown in Sarata. 
Potatoes are planted on 1100 hectares, or 39 percent of the 2817.75 hec- 
tares of land under cultivation in the district during the 1978-1979 
growing season. The two species are found in complementary distribu- 
tion, with £a£a dulce being cultivated in the more temperate areas of 
the district and papa amaraa growing in the more frigid areas, or those 
that are particularly susceptible to frost and hail. 

Papa dulce is the preferred species, occupying about 748 hectares 
or slightly over 25 percent of the cultivated area in the district. 
Within the species of papa dul^ are numerous varieties. Saiie twenty- 
four varieties are commonly recognized and cultivated by people in 
Sarata. The differences among some of the varieties are quite striking. 
Colors vary to include white, yellow, red, black, and purple, with the 
colors characterizing the peel of some varieties and the flesh of 
others. Differences are also noted in flavor, texture, and cooking ' 
properties. The different varieties also have distinct properties with 
regard to the length of their growing seasons, their ability to grow 
in particularly wet or dry soil, and how well they can be stored. The 
mean yield for papa du}" in the district of Sarata is around 5500 
kilograms per hectare, although yields of over 6000 kilograms per hec- 
tare are common, and in more favored areas of the district, yields of 
7000 kilograms per hectare are achieved. The district-wide mean yield 
is reduced by localized frost and hail damage, which occurs every year. 

Papa amar^i is cultivated on about 352 hectares of the district, 
or about 14 percent of the crop land of Sarata. Most of the land is 



MrjT^>riii t ssw4ta 



-143- 



located in areas where the climate is too extreme for ^a^a dulce , or 
about any other crop, for that matter. Because of its resistance to 
cold, frost, and hail, jjapa amarga may be grown as high as 4200-4300 
meters above sea level, where no other food crop can survive. The mean 
yield for the district is about 5200 kilograms per hectare. Thus, the 
advantage of this tuber is that it allows agriculture to be practiced 
some 300-400 meters above sea level higher than would be possible with- 
out it. At lower elevations, it is a food crop that may be grown on 
land that is particlarly subject to frost damage. The disadvantage of 
£a£a amar£a is that it cannot be consumed fresh, but must be freeze- 
dried, thus leaching out the bitter flavor, before it may be eaten. 

Potatoes, either fresh or freeze-dried, are the central element 
of the diets of people in Sarata. They are eaten in one form or another 
at every meal. In fact, it is the presence or absence of potatoes 
that determines whether or not the food one is eating constitutes a 
meal. Potatoes are often used as a metonym to refer to all food. 

The importance of potatoes is reflected in its position in the 
overall agricultural strategy pursued by the people of Sarata. Pota- 
toes are the first crop to be sown on land after it is taken out of 
fallow. They benefit from being planted in the newly formed surcos. 
They are also the only crop that normally receives fertilizer, either 
in the form of manure or chemicals. 

Potato planting begins in August and continues through the first 
week of November in the district of Sarata. The earliest potatoes are 
planted in what are called milli fields. These are flat plains located 
on the edge of Lake Titicaca which are kept moist by water seeping into 
the ground from the lake. The harvest from the milli fields is usually 



-144- 



realized by the first week of December. Something of a race occurs 
in the fields located nearest the edge of the lake, as people allow the 
potatoes to grow as large as possible before the waters, which are rising 
from the increasing rainfall, force them to either harvest their crops 
or allow them to be inundated in the fields. 

The exact amount of mi 1 1 i land cultivated varies somewhat from year 
to year because annual variations in rainfall cause slight variations 
in the level of the water along the shore and in where milli cultivation 
is possible. More dramatic changes in mi 1 1 i cultivation occur over 
longer periods of time during which the water level may vary be several 
feet. Although the cycles in which the water level of the lake varies 
are several years long, the changes in the shape of the shoreline may 
occur very suddenly. From one year to the next, fields may be left 
"high and dry" or completely flooded depending upon rainfall. Despite 
this measure of insecurity, milli lands are among the most coveted in 
the district because the early harvest they allow reduces the amount 
of time that a household must rely upon stored foods. 

In addition to the milli lands, some potatoes are planted on 
irrigated land. This option, however, is rarely utilized as people 
prefer to save their irrigated lands for the cultivation of broad beans 
(Vicia fava), which will yield up to three harvests a year under favor- 
able conditions. Thus, most potato fields rely strictly upon rainfall 
for moisture. In these fields the time of planting is determined by a 
number of factors. Among them, enough rain must have fallen to have 
softened the earth, which becomes extremely hard during the dry season, 
but not so much as to make it soggy and heavy. Additionally, the rains 
must be sufficiently consistent to indicate that the rainy season is 



-145- 



really arriving and there is little danger of a sudden frost. These 
conditions occur at different times in different areas of the district, 
so that the planting of potatoes on fields that are not irrigated be- 
gins in August and continues through the first week of November. 

The long planting season also assures people of an extended har- 
vest season. Since potato planting and potato harvesting are both labor 
intensive activities, the problem facing households of being able to 
marshal sufficient labor at a particular time is alleviated. Labor 
inputs may be spread out over a longer period. 

The first step necessary to plant potatoes is the breaking open 
of the sod and turning over of the earth ( q"ullina ). Potatoes are 
planted in raised furrows, each of which is about 45-50 centimeters 
high and 40 centimeters wide at the top. A group of three to seven 
furrows which run parallel to one another are joined at one end by a 
perpendicular row to form a sM- In areas located farther from the 
lake, the breaking open and turning of the soil and the construction 
of the furrows constitutes a single operation and are carried out 
together as the i^dllna. This activity begins the week after Carnaval 
in late February, continuing through March and, frequently, well into 
April. Near the lake, ,q"ullina begins at the same time, but includes 
only the breaking open and turning of the earth. This, combined with 
generally smaller landholdings means that q"ullina ends earlier than in 
the other zone, usually by the end of March. In the lakeside areas, 
furrow construction is a separate task which immediately precedes the 
actual sewing of potatoes. 

The basic team required for q"ullina is three adults. Ideally, it 
includes two men with foot plows or wrn to cut the sod loose and lift 



■146- 



it, a woman to turn the earth over. Men are generally considered better 
at foot plowing than women; but women can, and frequently do, plow when 
the situation demands. In areas where the construction of furrows is 
done as part of q"ullina , the earth is built up to form the furrows as 
it is turned over. In areas where building furrows is a separate opera- 
tion, an identical three person team builds the already turned earth 
into furrows. Progress is very slow in the task. A three person team 
working quickly can break open and turn the soil and build furrows at 
an approximate work rate of one masa (750 square meters) per six to 
seven hour work day. 

Once the furrows have been constructed, the earth is ready for the 
application of fertilizer. Usually, this is manure gathered from the 
household's livestock corral s.^ The manure is spread on the tops of 
the furrows prior to planting. Manure is carried to the fields on 
burros or on the backs of people. 

Another activity which is preliminary to the planting itself is a 
final sorting of the seed. Potatoes undergo one sorting inmediately 
after harvesting. At this time, rotten or damaged potatoes are set 
aside for imn-iediate consumption, as are the potatoes which will be 
freeze-dried. Potatoes which will be kept and consumed fresh and seed 
potatoes are stored. Inmediately prior to planting, the seed potatoes 
are inspected. Rotten or damaged potatoes are discarded, and the sprouts 
which have appeared on the potatoes are pulled off. 



2 

According to the local Ministry of Agriculture officials, the use of 
chemical fertilizers by producers in Sarata is increasing. However 
chemical fertilizers were used in none of the potato plantings ob- ' 
served during the course of the present investigation 



iTiTn^n-nii n 



-147- 



Once the furrows have been constructed, the manure spread, and the 
seed sorted and prepared, the actual planting begins. The basic potato 
planting team consists of three people. One person opens holes in the 
tops of the furrows with the foot plow while a second person inserts 
one potato in each hole. The potatoes are covered when the foot plow 
blade is removed and the earth is allowed to fall back on top of them. 
The third person follows behind the first two with a short-handled hoe 
or lijwana, breaking up dirt clods and smoothing the tops and sides of 
the furrows. The potatoes are planted 20-30 centimeters apart and 
from 5-10 centimeters deep with the eyes turned upward. 

The potato planting team is normally composed only of adults. 
Children do not usually participate directly. The division of labor 
for the activity is extremely flexible. If both women and men are 
available, a man will usually open the earth with the foot plot while 
a woman inserts the potatoes. However, if no men are present, a woman 
will do the foot plowing, while, in the absence of women a man will 
insert the potatoes. Either a man or a woman may break the dirt clods 
and smooth the rows. 

Once planted, potatoes require five to eight months to become har- 
vestable. In the meantime, the cultivators will give them two major 
weedings and, each time, build up the sides of the furrows, replacing 
soil that has been eroded by rainstorms and covering up the root systems, 
which frequently begin to protrude from the sides of the furrows as 
the plants grow. Potatoes to be harvested in April or May receive the 
first weeding and row reinforcement in late November or early December 
and the second in the month of January. Potatoes grown on milli lands, 
which are planted in August and harvested in December usually receive 



■148- 



one weeding, sometimes in late October, but usually in November after 
the planting season has ended. 

As noted above, rniTM potatoes are harvested in December; however, 
the bulk of the potato harvest occurs in April and May. Potato har- 
vesting involves a number of tasks. The potato plants are cut off even 
with the ground after they have finished blooming and are fed to the 
animals. It was observed that people require considerably longer to 
harvest potatoes on their own land than they do when they have been 
hired as wage laborers to harvest for someone else. On their own lands, 
extreme care is taken not to leave any potatoes in the field and to 
damage as few potatoes as possible. On the other hand, when working 
for someone who has hired them for money rather than entering into a 
labor exchange agreement, the object of the harvesters is to finish as 
quickly as possible and return to their own fields. Little care is 
taken not to damage potatoes because the only remuneration beyond the 
cash wage will come in the form of a sack of damaged potatoes. 

People dig the potatoes individually. Each person, an adult male 
or female, begins at the end of a furrow with a round basket and a 
short-handled hoe. The earth is knocked away from the sides of the 
furrows for a distance of two to three meters ahead of the harvester. 
Then, beginning at the end of a row, the earth on top is knocked away 
and the exposed potatoes are gathered up and placed in the basket. 
Harvesting always begins at the exposed ends of the short parallel rows 
which form a simi and progresses toward the long perpendicular row which 
joins them. When this is reached, each person is responsible for har- 
vesting the potatoes immediately to either side of the end of the row 
he or she has been digging. 



■149- 



The dug potatoes are carried to the edge of the field where they 
are immediately sorted according to how they will be used. The sorting 
is usually done by one or more older women. Men then load the sorted 
potatoes into sacks which are carried to the home and stored. 

Potatoes are freeze-dried into ch'uhu or tunta in June. June is 
the preferred month for the task because it is the coldest month of the 
year, with the most nights of the subfreezing temperatures necessary 
to freeze the potatoes. The freeze-drying of potatoes begins early in 
the month after harvesting is completed and is ideally finished by the 
fiesta of San Juan (June 23). The exact amount of time required to 
freeze-dry potatoes depends upon which process is used. For making 
tunta, the potatoes are frozen, then soaked in a stream for two weeks, 
then frozen again, peeled, and dried in the sun. To make ch'unu, the 
potatoes are spread on a layer of straw on the ground for one or two 
nights when the temperatures will be subfreezing, and then peeled and 
dried in the sun for a few days. Processed in such a fashion, freeze- 
dried potatoes may be kept for up to ten years, and large quantities of 
them are kept in storage by every household as insurance against a year 
of crop failure. 

The so-called "minor" tubers, apilla (Oxalis crenata ) , isanu 
(Iro^aeojum tuberpium ) , and ulluku ( UVIucus tuberosus ) , follow a culti- 
vation schedule similar to that of potatoes. They are planted, weeded, 
and harvested during the same time periods as potatoes. The minor tubers 
are found less widely distributed throughout the district than are pota- 
toes, however. This is primarily because they are less resistant to 
frost and hail, and thus may be grown with relative security only in 
areas where less extreme conditions tend to prevail. Many people also 



-150- 



feel that they are more susceptible to damage by nematodes while still 
in the ground as well as more susceptible to spoilage when stored fresh. 
The approximate yields of the minor tubers in Sarata are 6200 kilograms 
per hectare for apilla , 3800 kilograms per hectare for ulluku , and 4100 
kilograms per hectare for isafiu . 

In the areas where they are cultivated, the minor tubers follow 
potatoes in the rotation cycle. The furrows used the previous year for 
growing potatoes can be re-used to cultivate the minor tubers. For this 
reason, some care is taken to minimize the damage done to the furrows 
when the potatoes are harvested so as to reduce the amount of labor 
needed to prepare the field for planting the minor tubers the following 
season. The technique used for planting the minor tubers is the same 
as is used for planting potatoes. The labor time required for planting 
the minor tubers is reduced somewhat, since aside from some rebuilding 
of the furrows after potato harvest, little is done in the way of field 
preparation. Unlike potatoes, the minor tubers receive no manure or 
fertilizer. They receive two major weedings about midway through their 
growth cycle and, at these times, the sides of the furrows are built up, 
as is done with potatoes. The harvesting process is also similar to 
that of potatoes. Apilla is frequently freeze-dried using that same 
process employed for making ch'unu from the potatoes. Freeze-dried 
apilla is called k"aya . 

Broad Beans 

In the relatively low-lying and well-watered areas of the district, 
which tend to be concentrated near Lake Titicaca, the third crop in the 



-151- 



agricultural rotation cycle is broad beans. Like the minor tubers, 
broad beans cannot be cultivated in much of the district because they 
do not have the necessary resistance to frost and hail. In addition, 
broad beans require considerable amounts of water in order to thrive. 
They are thus confined to areas of the district that receive abundant 
rainfall, or where some form of irrigation is available. 

In those areas characterized by year-round irrigation, three har- 
vests of broad beans may be realized in every year. This means that 
broad beans play a very important role in reducing the amount of time 
many families are dependent upon stored foodstuffs. It also means that 
irrigated lands planted in broad beans are frequently not included in 
the rotation cycle. Rather, beans are planted there year after year. 

Where three crops of beans each year are sown, the planting seasons 
are the months of March and April, the month of June, and the months 
of July and August. Sometimes, the June planting is omitted and only 
two harvests are realized annually. In areas that are not irrigated, 
one crop a year is realized, and this is planted in August. In the 
crop zone of Sarata where beans are planted, nearly one-third of the 
land under cultivation is planted in beans. However, it is difficult 
to judge the importance of beans in the diet based on this figure with- 
out knowing the specific characteristics of each bean field with regard 
to how many harvests it yields. The yield for broad beans is about 
1500-2000 kilograms per hectare (Verliat 1978). 

In irrigated areas, broad beans are planted on elevated furrows 
varying from 30-50 centimeters in width and arranged similarly to those 
described for potatoes. The beans are planted 10-15 centimeters apart 
at a depth of about seven centimeters. A furrow will have two or three 



Iimum\ aurmt 



-152- 



rows of beans planted on top of it, depending upon the width of the 
elevated area. The actual planting technique for the beans is similar 
to potatoes although bean planting requires less preliminary labor for 
field preparation. As is the case with potatoes, the basic bean planting 
team consists of three people, one to open the earth with the wiri , one 
to insert the beans, and one to break up the dirt clods and smooth the 
earth. Irrigated lands, as noted, are not placed in fallow, nor are 
they generally planted in any crops except beans. Therefore, time- 
consuming tasks such as breaking sod and removing stones are not re- 
quired. The most labor-intensive task is the annual maintenance required 
by the irrigation system. 

Broad beans require six to seven months to reach sufficient maturity 
to produce harvestable beans. Unlike other crops, however, beans are 
not all harvested at the same time. Rather, beans will be picked once 
or twice a week for one or even two months before the crop is exhausted. 
This is because once the plant is mature the beans do not reach an edible 
size all at the same time. 

Once picked, broad beans require some processing. Those which are 
to be consumed fresh must be hulled and then the skins must be removed. 
When the beans are used in soups, the skins are removed prior to cook- 
ing. When boiled beans are served alone, the beans are boiled in the 
skins. Broad beans may also be dried and stored. The beans are shelled 
and spread in the sun for several days to dry and then stored in sacks. 
These dried beans may be boiled and eaten or the skins, which dry hard 
in the sun, may be cracked off and the bean inside consumed. 



s««5tKUsi*«»ML^iHE9*^R6lll 1*1 ■wcSms' r*vii»fT«i«ii" - "i— ->«p-i^ WT«m>r-?iia =Wr3**W>' *'•• i "* 



-153- 



Barley 

The fourth major component in the cropping system of Sarata is 
barley. It is also usually the fourth crop in the rotation cycle. 
Barley is grown in all of the agricultural zones of the district, and 
it is an important element in the diet of both humans and livestock. 
Barley provides humans with their main source of grain, and its resis- 
tance to cold allows it to be planted about anywhere that agriculture 
may be practiced at all. It is susceptible to damage by hail, but even 
the most heavily hail-damaged barley is salvageable as forage for live- 
stock. Forage barley is frequently planted as a cover crop on ground 
that is being placed in fallow, along with oats and rye. Forage barley, 
together with these other grains, is frequently relied upon to keep 
livestock alive during the dry months when pasture grows scarce. In 
the more extreme climatic zones of the district where there is no possi- 
bility that barley can survive to reach maturity, it is planted speci- 
fically as a forage crop. In the more protected areas of the district, 
wheat may be substituted for barley in some fields; however, people are 
generally cautious about doing this because a frost that will kill 
wheat may not damage barley at all. 

Barley is generally planted in areas that rely exclusively upon 
rainfall. It is rarely, if ever, cultivated on irrigated land, although 
some barley is planted in the milli fields. It occupies from 15-20 
percent of the cultivated area in the district of Sarata. The planting 
season for barley begins in very early August and continues until the 
end of September, with the moister areas being planted first and the 
drier ones later. Grain yields of 700-800 kilograms per hectare are 



-154- 



normal, while forage barley yields in the neighborhood of 9500 kilograms 
per hectare. 

Distinct techniques for planting barley are employed in the dif- 
ferent ecological zones of the district. In the areas near the lake, 
planting is done entirely with human labor. In mi Hi fields or areas 
where the soil is particularly moist, the basic work team consists of 
three people: one to open a shallow furrow with the foot plow (wiri), 
one to sow the seed, and one to break up dirt clods and smooth the 
earth. 

In other areas near the lake, where the soil is drier, a metal- 
tipped wooden plow is used instead of a vnr±. Here the basic planting 
team consists of five people: two to pull the plow, one to guide it, 
one to plant the seed in the shallow furrow left by the plow, and one 
to break up the dirt clods and smooth the earth. The pulling of the 
plow is one of the most arduous of the agricultural tasks; however, where 
the topsoil is shallow enough and dry enough to permit this technique, 
the work progresses considerably faster than when a wiri ^s used. In 
the areas that are more distant from the lake, the barley fields are 
larger than in the lakeside areas, and there is more livestock. In 
this area, the plow is pulled by a pair of bulls. This means that the 
planting team consists of four people. The rate at which the grain can 
be planted is about the same as when the plow is pulled by people, but 
the work is considerably less fatiguing for the participants, and the 
effort may be sustained for the longer periods of time necessary to 
complete the planting of the larger fields. 

After planting, barley requires no large labor expenditure until 
it is harvested. Barley planted in milli fields may be harvested as 



*>i'r~-'*»iTTn ■ I 



-155- 



early as December or January, but the bulk of the crop is harvested in 
March and April. The barley is cut by hand with short-handled sickles. 
The grain is knocked loose by beating the barley with a stock on a 
large, flat area of ground. The straw is bound up and saved for a 
number of uses ranging from feeding it to livestock or using it for 
roofing a house or an outbuilding. The grain is transported to the 
household compound, where it is sun-dried and winnowed before being 
stored. The stored grain is later ground as it is needed for consump- 
tion by the household. 

Forage Grains 

Potatoes and the minor tubers, broad beans, and" barley are the most 
important crops grown in Sarata. The exact proportions of these crops 
will vary according to the area of the district where a particular 
household lives and the locations of its various small landholdings. 
However, in the district as a whole, these crops occupy in excess of 
75 percent of the land under cultivation and are the central elements 
in the household diets. However, there are numerous other crops which 
play important roles in the agricultural strategies of Sarata house- 
holds. Among these are the forage grains, oats, rye, and forage bar- 
ley, which have already been mentioned. The forage grains are most 
important in the areas further from the lake, where there are more 
animals, and agriculture is more difficult because of a climate that is 
somewhat harsher than that characteristic of the lakeside zone. In 
this area, forage crops are very important because, as noted, pasture 
for livestock becomes extremely scarce during the dry months. However, 



-156- 



because grain production is not the goal with these forage crops, the 
timing of planting and harvesting activities is not critical and these 
are "fitted around" the demands of the other activities. 

Quinoa and Kaniwa 

More significant are the Andean food grains quinoa , or jup"a in 
Aymara (Chenopodium Mnga ) » and kaniwa ( Chenopodium pallidicaule ). 
Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, these were cultivated extensively 
throughout the Andes. However, after the conquest these indigenous 
cultigens rapidly lost ground to the barley introduced by the Spanish. 
Barley offered the advantages of being easier to grind into flour and 
of producing more grain in a given area. Barley is currently con- 
sidered to be more able to withstand hail than quinoa or kaniwa . Also, 
barley offers more security, because if it should be ruined for human 
consumption, it may be salvaged as forage for livestock. After a severe 
hailstorm nothing is salvageable from quinoa and kaniwa plants. 

In spite of the advantages offered by barley, however, quinoa and 
kaniwa have never been entirely replaced, and today they occupy four to five 
percent of the land under cultivation in the district of Sarata. Quinoa 
and kaniwa rarely occupy plots of land of their own. Rather, the grains 
are generally planted in conjunction with the major food crops, that 
were described above. Quinoa and kaniwa are commonly planted on the 
sloping sides of the ridges in plots of potatoes, minor tubers, or 
beans, for example. In plots of barley or non-irrigated beans, where 
elevated ridges are not employed, rows of quinoa or kaniwa may be al- 
ternated with the other crops or planted around the edges of the field 



v^.-;'-«<j- .» «ri ^ y jaw 



-157- 

as a border. In many cases, the planting of guinoa or kaniwa may be 
a very casual activity. Seeds are frequently simply sprinkled on the 
edges of the ridges after potatoes have been planted in an area. Thus 
the labor demands made by guinoa and kaniwa during the planting season 
of September and October are minimal and easily accomodated to the 
other activities. 

The harvest season for guinoa and kaniwa is late March and the 
first weeks of April. Harvesting includes picking the grains, thresh- 
ing them, as well as transport and storage. Although this demands a 
more concentrated labor expenditure than planting, the labor require- 
ments of .guinea and kaniwa harvesting are not great. There are few 
households in the lakeside area which have as much as a total of 500 
sguare meters of land planted in these grains although guinoa and 
l^aniwa increase in importance as one moves away from the lake. Yields 
for 5^2noa average slightly over 400 kilograms per hectare in Sarata 
while kaniwa yields about 550 kilograms per hectare. Thus the guanti- 
ties of these grains that a household handles during a year are quite 
small . 

Vegetable Crops 

Vegetable crops have been slowly but steadily increasing in impor- 
tance for a number of years, although vegetable production is largely 
confined to the lakeside region where the climate is more amenable. 
The initial interest in vegetable production was stimulated by the 
Seventh Day Adventist Church whose missionaries advocated vegetable 
production both for the purposes of improving general nutritional 



-158- 



standards and as a means by which people could compensate for religious 
restrictions on meat consumption. As a result of these efforts, 
spinach, lettuce, cabbage, carrots, radishes, garlic, turnips, beets, 
and, above all, onions, are today found in plots cultivated by both 
Advent! st and Catholic households throughout the lakeside zone of the 
district, where the climate is mild enough to permit their survival. 
Onions, in particular, are a vegetable crop for which nearly everyone 
has acquired a taste, and some households earn small amounts of cash by 
selling onions and other vegetables in the Sunday market to people from 
areas of the district where they will not grow. In fact, local vege- 
table production is insufficient to supply local demand, primarily 
because of the extremely restricted area in which vegetable production 
is possible. The demand for vegetables is high enough that a number of 
women buy them every week in the city of Juliaca and bring them back to 
Sarata to sell in the Sunday market in the town and the rural markets 
which occur in the district during the week. 

In recent years, there have been efforts by the government to 
encourage vegetable production in Sarata. Some communities were pro- 
vided with materials and instructions for constructing simple green- 
houses made with sheets of clear plastic fastened over a framework of 
wooden slats. The people were charged with experimenting with different 
crops to see what they could grow successfully and economically in the 
greenhouses, with the produce to be used in the preparation of lunches 
for the school children. A wide variety of crops, including corn, squash 
hot peppers, watermelons, and tomatoes have been grown in the green- 
houses, although only tomatoes have thus far shown economic promise. 
It was found that tomatoes could be grown in the greenhouses at only a 



■159- 



slightly higher cost than they are produced on the Peruvian coast, and 
that because of the shorter distance they could be transported to the 
city of Juliaca more cheaply. Also, because the greenhouse tomatoes 
are of higher quality-they are picked ripe instead of green and they 
suffer less damage in transport-the Sarata greenhouse tomatoes command 
a higher price. Prompted by this discovery, a number of households in 
the communities participating in the greenhouse project have constructed 
their own private greenhouses for the purpose of growing tomatoes for 
sale. Initially, they sold their tomatoes in the Sunday market of 
Sarata; however, because the price received in Juliaca is considerably 
higher than in Sarata, this practice was soon abandoned in favor of 
selling all of the tomatoes in the urban center. 



Corn 



Small quantities of corn are cultivated in Sarata in particularly 
sheltered areas. Corn produced in Sarata plays a very small role in 
household subsistence strategies; however, corn is a highly valued crop 
since Sarata affords some of the few areas in the entire altiplano where 
the corn will grow. The results are less than impressive by most 
standards. The ears of corn rarely reach ten centimeters in length with 
five centimeters being closer to the mean length. However, that even 
this can be achieved in the altiplano marks the lands where corn is 
grown as truly favored. 

It should be borne in mind that agriculture is carried out with 
the purpose of providing a household with food, and any function it has 
beyond that is truly incidental. Therefore, priority is given to 



-160- 

marshaling the land, labor, and other resources necessary for the pro- 
duction of staple crops, potatoes, and minor tubers, broad beans, and 
barley, and to a lesser extent quinoa and kaniwa . The production of 
crops for sale or the production of luxury food crops such as vegetables 
is carried out insofar as it does not interfere with staple food pro- 
duction. Crops such as onions and tomatoes which have acquired, or are 
acquiring, importance as food crops and cash crops have done so because 
they do not require the diversion of resources from the production of 
food staples. 

Herding 

In addition to the cultivation of food crops, livestock raising is 
an important component of the subsistence strategies of many Sarata 
households. The specific role livestock raising plays varies from one 
of the district's production zones to another. Near the lake, house- 
holds own very few head of livestock because the high population density 
and intensive cultivation do not allow people much room for animal pro- 
duction. As one moves away from the lake, the number of livestock per 
household increases as the restrictions on growing crops increase. 
Collins (1981) has calculated that the mean number of sheep per house- 
hold increases from three in the lakeside area, to 16 in the area of 
mixed agriculture and herding, to 57 in the herding zone of Sarata. 
Likewise, the mean number of cattle per household increases from one to 
two near the lake to three to four in the intermediate zone, and to 49 
to 50 animals per household in the highland herding zone. As increas- 
ingly severe environmental constraints restrict the varieties of crops 



-161- 



that may be cultivated and force a simplification of productive schedules, 
it becomes increasingly difficult for households to maintain a sub- 
sistence strategy based upon crop diversity. At the same time, however, 
conditions become more favorable for raising livestock as population 
density decreases. Households control larger extensions of land, and 
the labor demands of complex planting, harvesting, and weeding schedules 
decl ine. 

Sheep are the most numerous herd animals in the district of Sarata. 
In addition to the animals found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of 
medianos productores , some 30,000 head are .owned by community members. 
They provide households with wool and meat, which may either be con- 
sumed or sold. Like all herd animals, sheep require a certain amount 
of day-to-day care in order to provide them pasture and water and to 
protect them from predators. These activities constitute part of the 
normal maintenance activities of a household. During certain months 
of the year additional labor is required as the sheep pass through the 
production cycle. The principal activities which require additional 
labor are mating, lambing, weaning and the separation of pregnant fe- 
males from the herd, the shearing of wool, the butchering of animals 
and meat preservation, the selling of animals, the castration of males, 
and bathing and worming. 

There are two periods of mating and lambing annually. Mating 
occurs in late December and early January for births in June, and in 
June for births in late November and early December. Lambs are weaned 
from their mothers from three to four months after birth, usually in 
the months of April and October. During these months, the females which 
are pregnant as a result of the December to January or June matings are 



-152- 



also separated from the rest of the flock. Shearing occurs primarny 
in the month of February, with wool production per animal varying from 
as low as two pounds in unimproved varieties to as much as eight pounds 
in Andean-bred Corriedales. Most of the sheep that are slaughtered for 
meat are killed in May. Some of the meat may be consumed fresh by 
household members, but most is dried and stored as chaluna . Butcher- 
ing and meat preserving are also reported to occur, to a lesser extent, 
in the month of July. The Ministry of Agriculture recormends that 
sheep be wormed, treated for internal parasites, three times a year, 
in October, May, and July, and this recommendation is increasingly com- 
plied with by households which own larger herds upon which they depend 
for a great part of their livelihood. Households in the lakeside zone 
which have only a few animals upon which they depend' less heavily, 
frequently show little interest in worming. 

Cattle are the second most numerous livestock animals in Sarata. 
In addition to the cattle found on S.A.I.S. San Juan and the lands of 
the me dianos productores , households living in recognized and non- 
recognized communities own approximately 6,000 head of cattle. From 
December through early May, cows are a source of milk. The rest of the 
year, cattle are dry. Most of the milk that is produced is made into 
cheese which is either consumed by the household itself or sold if a 
surplus is produced. Bulls are used as draft animals, pulling a plow 
during planting season and, sometimes, when land is taken out of fallow. 
Cattle are seldom butchered for meat but are sold live from time to 
time as a means of securing money. The bulk of the cattle sold in this 
manner appear to be sold illegally across the border into Bolivia, where 
prices are higher, although some are sold through the livestock markets 



• *i — a < a K*»<|l^iiMUH*« 



-163- 



held in Sarata during the fiesta of Candelaria during the first week of 
February and the Exaltacion de la Cruz fiesta which is celebrated during 
the week of September 14. Large weekly cattle markets are held in the 
provincial capital of Huancane, some 50 kilometers from the town of 
Sarata, and in the district capital of Taraco, about 75 kilometers 
distant. People reportedly used to drive cattle to these markets for 
sale, but they no longer do, saying it is too far to go for the price 
one receives. 

There are two principal periods for calving. The first and most 
important period is the month of January with calves resulting from the 
mating of the preceding April. A mating period of smaller proportions 
occurs around the month of June which results in some calves being born 
in March of the following year. The weaning periods which then follow 
usually occur in the months of February and September. In July, males 
not destined to function as stud bulls are castrated, while August is 
usually the month when cattle are vaccinated. 

There are relatively few camelids in Sarata, although large herds 
are found in the high-altitude areas of the district which are the most 
distant from Lake Titicaca. The camelids found in the district of 
Sarata are the domesticated llama (Lama glama) and alpaca ( Lama pacos ). 
The wild vicuna (Lama vicugna ) is reported to have been sighted in the 
district as late as the mid-1970s, but because of intense pressure from 
poachers, these have either been driven away or killed, and none have 
been spotted for several years. Camelids are reported to have composed 
a large portion of Sarata herds in the past; however, it is said that 
low prices paid for wool during the agrarian reform prompted large 
numbers of alpacas and llamas to either be sold into Bolivia or slaugh- 
tered for meat. 



m ♦■■l^x rj —. r 1_«l » '•> I iPMOLt^I 



-164- 



The mating of camel ids begins in October and continues through 
March. The camel id mating requires considerable intervention on the 
part of herders as males and females must be repeatedly brought together 
and separated (Custred 1977:67-68). In or around July, pregnant females 
are separated from the rest of the herd. Most young are born in 
December and January, with weaning taking place the following September. 
Like sheep, camel ids are usually sheared in February. 

Many Sarata households also own pigs, with an average household 
having one or two. Pigs are fed human food scraps and pasture and are 
allowed to attain a weight of 30-50 kilograms before being butchered. 
Pork is consumed fresh, and the butchering of a pig occurs once or twice 
a year to mark the celebration of a major fiesta or an important house- 
hold event such as a wedding or housebuilding. Pork is a high-status 
meat that is much favored. However, because pigs are not herd animals 
and are very troublesome to care for, their numbers are fewer than 
sheep, cattle, or camel ids. Only about 2700 are to be found in all 
the communities of Sarata. In addition, pigs have difficulty surviving 
at higher elevations or areas of extreme cold, where they are very sub- 
ject to heart failure and exposure. 

Small livestock commonly found in Sarata includes chickens, guinea 
pigs, and rabbits. Most households have two or three chickens for the 
purpose of laying eggs. However, eggs seldom hatch at the altitude of 
Sarata, and all chickens must be brought to the area live from lower 
elevations. Chickens usually stay in the living compounds, but they 
are rarely confined to coops. Consequently, children spend a lot of 
time searching the nooks and crannies of the living compounds for 
eggs. 



I rTi ■ I nr"' -f,ti^rmcrs^ 



-165- 



Guinea pigs may be successfully raised if they are kept in an area 
that is not subject to intense or prolonged cold. For this reason, 
they tend to be found only in households in the lakeside region of the 
district. Guinea pigs are frequently kept in pens in the household 
kitchens so as to protect the animals from the cold. Rabbits are raised 
in much the same way. Chicken eggs, rabbits, and guinea pigs all make 
a contribution to the diets of the households which keep these animals. 
However, because they command relatively high prices in the market, 
these products are usually sold to townspeople in the Sunday market 
in Sarata, contributing a small source of cash to the household. 

Finally, it should be mentioned that burros are kept in many 
households as beasts of burden. Although they produce no usable pro- 
duct, burros can carry up to 100 kilograms, walking all day over rough 
terrain for several days. This is about twice what a llama can carry. 
Burros require very little labor and may simply be pastured with a 
household's herd animals. 

The Role of Subsistence Activities 

By means of some combination of the agricultural and herding 
activities outlined above, households in Sarata manage to be relatively 
successful in meeting their basic subsistence needs. Their crops and 
animals provide them with enough food to maintain themselves through 
the year and to preserve and store sufficient supplies to weather suc- 
cessive seasons of adverse weather and poor crops. Collins (1981) has esti^ 
mated that seven to 12 percent of the caloric intake of rural households 
in Sarata is composed of foodstuffs that have been purchased rather than 



■165- 



produced domestically. Of the purchased items, only sugar has come to 
occupy the position of a staple upon which households feel they depend. 
People also continue to satisfy their basic clothing needs through 
these activities. The pollera -style skirts worn by the women are made 
from homespun wool woven and dyed by the men of the household. Pru- 
chased polleras of finer material are usually worn to town or for special 
occasions, but those of humespun wool remain basic everyday wear. Men 
frequently wear homespun pants and coats when around their home or 
working in the fields. Homespun long underwear is worn everywhere, and 
a number of men come to town in three piece suits they made themselves 
made from alpaca wool. Most blankets and ponchos are made from natural 
wools of local origin as are many of the caps, sweaters, and other gar- 
ments worn for warmth. Households in the lakeside communities which 
do not produce enough wool to meet their own needs trade potatoes, 
beans, and barley with households from highland communities that cannot 
produce enough food to meet their own needs. In short, in spite of 
extensive capitalist penetration the people of Sarata maintain a sub- 
sistence economy which, in fact, provides them with most of what they 
need to subsist. At the most basic level, the people of Sarata have 
maintained control of the means to assure their own biological repro- 
duction. 

The capitalist economy is not to be denied, however, Saratenos 
could do without most of the imported foods in their diet, but they 
would not like it. Nor would they like having to do without manufactured 
clothing. Trying to sell a tape recorder in Juliaca while dressed in 
homespun clothing would make dealing with potential buyers considerably 
more difficult. The need for cash extends far beyond the purchase of 



ii JTr ijMH"; iM iii n Mil n n Im i M 



-167- 



luxury items, however, to include purchasing school supplies and uni- 
forms for children or helping support a son or daughter attending a 
university. A sheet metal roof on one's house frees untold labor hours 
that would otherwise be tied up in maintenance activities. Ac ommunity 
must spend money for cement in order to construct a sheep bath that will 
allow members to rid their animals of external parasites that decrease 
wool production. A barley blight which began half a continent away 
destroyed the greater part of the district's grain crops in 1980. 
Fungicides and resistant seed were available for the following year's 
planting to those who could pay for them. . 

The Capitalist Mode of Production 

Capitalist and Non-Capitalist Production 

The capitalist economy at once contributes to the creation of needs 
such as those noted above and offers the prospect of a means of satis- 
fying them. The means most commonly available to the people of Sarata 
have been enumerated previously. They include wage labor in the cities 
and on the coast of Peru, the production of coffee and citrus fruit in 
the Tambopata Valley of Sandia province, and taking advantage of the 
opportunities for trade and transport afforded by the proximity of the 
Bolivian border. It is through engaging in these activities that 
people seek to satisfy the cash needs that agricultural and herding 
activities do not meet. In so doing, they become participants in the 
capitalist mode of production with diverse relationships to capital 
ranging from workers to capitalists in their own right. In a capitalist 



-168- 



mode of production, capitalists seek to invest to expand their enter- 
prise, while the needs and wants of workers cause them to seek more 
wages. In a case such as Sarata, there are two somewhat contradictory 
paths which efforts to control more money may follow. One is to 
strengthen one's ties to the capitalist economy. A capitalist may in- 
tensify the utilization .of capital, for example, or workers may sell a 
larger percentage of their labor power. The other possible path is to 
attempt to increase one's discretionary spending power by maintaining 
or increasing the satisfaction of basic subsistence needs outside of 
the capitalist economy, through the activities outlined in the preceding 
sections of this chapter. This signifies the placing of an absolute 
limit upon one's degree of participation in the capitalist economy 
simply because time spent engaging in activities that pertain to one 
mode of production is lost to potential activities in the other mode 
of production. 

Saratehos have committed themselves to neither of these two paths 
but have attempted to maintain a foot upon each of them. Ever cognizant 
of the need for money as well as of the economic opportunities capitalism 
may bestow upon certain individuals, they are willing, and even anxious, 
to expand their participation in the capitalist mode of production. 
On the other hand, they are also aware that maintaining control of the 
means of their own food production gives them the advantage of greater 
flexibility in the capitalist mode of production. They do not have to 
work simply because someone will hire them. They can pick and choose 
their opportunities. 

This situation tells us something of the perspicacity with which 
the people of Sarata view their own economic position. However, it also 



-169- 

suggests that capitalism does not necessarily set out immediately to 
eliminate the other modes of production with which it comes in contact. 
For the present, capitalist activities which established themselves in 
the subsistence strategies of Sarata households throughout the course 
of the present century appear to co-exist rather comfortably with non- 
capitalist economic activities. The description of economic activities 
belonging to the capitalist mode of production which follows will high- 
light the mechanisms by which this co-existence is achieved (Figure 4-1) 

Wage Labor 

There are several common capitalist activities into which saratehos 
enter as wage laborers. The most common example of this strategy is 
for male members to spend several months each year working as laborers 
on the large agricultural enterprises around the city of Arequipa and 
in the river valleys of the southern Peruvian coast. Generally men 
leave Sarata around the second or third week of November after the 
planting season has ended. Most return in time for the fiesta of Car- 
naval which is immediately followed by a period of intensive agricul- 
tural labor beginning with the breaking open of land that has been in 
the fallow state of the rotation cycle and ends with the harvesting 
and storing of crops. 

The wage received from the agricultural enterprises is around 
$1.50-2.00 per day. Workers are responsible for paying their own trans- 
port costs. Provisions for workers vary somewhat from enterprise to 
enterprise. Most provide rudimentary living accommodations, although 
in some cases workers pay for lodging out of their wages. Workers must 



-170- 



May 



Apr 




Figure 4-1. Simplified production schedule of the district of Sarata 



-171- 



provide their own meals and, since they are limited in what they can 
carry with them, they must buy most of their food. Frequently, such 
purchases are made at a store owned by the enterprise. 

The agricultural enterprises carry out no recruiting campaign for 
workers in Sarata. Enough people need a job that this is unnecessary. 
Men tend to work for the same enterprise year after year, or, if they 
are going to ask for work at a place for the first time, they go where 
a friend or relative has been working for enough time to be known by 
foremen and managers. These practices not only help make sure that one 
does not find himself alone among strangers, but are necessary because 
simply going to look for work does not guarantee finding it. The 
agricultural enterprises employ large numbers of people, but hiring 
practices are highly personal istic. 

Agricultural wage labor as described above is not the most common 
form of wage labor because of high pay or good working conditions, but 
because it is compatible with a long-term household productive strategy 
centered around subsistence agriculture. The peak labor demand of the 
large enterprises coincides roughly with a relatively slack period in 
the agricultural cycle at home. This allows men to go in search of 
employment without leaving their wives short of labor for managing the 
household enterprise. Women are, in fact, considered more adept at 
activities such as picking, but, because someone has to remain at home 
to manage the household enterprise, and because the large agricultural 
enterprises pay women less than men, men are the ones who go to the 
coast. 

Women do leave home to work as wage laborers. However, because in 
most cases, women command lower wages than men and because they are 



'tf^astm^manmtw^^ 



■172- 



more restricted in the employment opportunities open to them, this tends 
to be an activity in which they engage early in life, while they are 
still living with parents and prior to marriage. In these cases, if 
enough people are living at home to satisfy household labor needs, 
women may seek employment in the cities as domestic servants or secre- 
taries in order to supplement the household income. The cities to which 
they most frequently travel are Juliaca, Puno, Arequipa, and La Paz, 
Bolivia. Domestic employment demands that a woman's absence from the 
household be longer than seasonal. Many women work in the city for 
one or two years, then return home to marry. This is what most parents 
who have daughters working in the city say they hope they will do; 
but for a variety of reasons, many women never return to Sarata. 

Many saratenos also go to work on a long-term basis for the large 
construction, mining, and fishing industries located in southern Peru. 
The state-owned fishing industry as well as some of the private com- 
panies which control construction and mining industries pay what are 
considered high wages, from around $2.50 to $5.00 a day, depending 
upon an employee's job. They may also provide substantial fringe bene- 
fits such as free housing and medical care for workers and their 
families and free school supplies for children. Families who work in 
these areas usually move to the employment area to take advantage of 
such benefits, leaving their lands entrusted to relatives to work for 
them and returning to Sarata only for brief vacation periods. Many plan 
to return to Sarata upon their retirement. These is a steady flow of 
traffic between households that are residing in the coastal towns and 
relatives remaining in Sarata. People from the highlands use their 
relatives' homes as bases from which to look for work and take with 



-173- 



them highland foodstuffs. People residing on the coast provide coastal 
products to those charged with caring for their property and defending 
their interests in the highland community. 

A smaller number of saratefios have gone to work in the gold mines 
of the department of Madre de Dios around the city of Puerto Maldonado. 
This area produced on the order of seven metric tons of gold in 1979 
and is currently in the midst of a gold rush (Carrasco 1980). However, 
there is a tremendous amount of violence associated with the region as 
a result of the struggle between numerous mining companies of widely 
varying size and technological sophistication to gain or maintain con- 
trol of claims. The violence is heightened by massive gold smuggling 
operations with strong international ties which carry most of the gold 
mined to Bolivia and Brazil. Carrasco (1980) reports that, of the 
seven metric tons of gold mined in Madre de Dios in 1979, 2.1 metric 
tons were purchased by the Banco Minero del Peru and that the remaining 
4.9 metric tons were smuggled out of Peru into the countries mentioned. 
Stories of the murders, mutilations, and disappearances which result 
from these sorts of activities combined with the fact that many of the 
people who have returned to Sarata from the gold mines have arrived 
home suffering from _uta (leishmaniasis) and other disabling diseases, 
have dampened much of the potential enthusiasm for getting involved 
with the enterprises in this area. 

The selling of labor to enterprises which are frequently linked 
to international business interests is one of the roles that saratenos 
fill within the capitalist mode of production. Because of the distance 
from home and the demands of the agricultural cycle in Sarata, the 
participation of households in wage earning activities is limited. 



• ■^ P ^ P ^ftWBwitir^ni— h PHWi J itg^** 



-174- 



In addition, the seasonal demand for agricultural labor means that most 
households would not be able to devote much more time to wage labor 
even if they could distribute their labor resources in a way that would 
permit them to do so. 

Trade and Transport 

A capitalist activity which may be practiced year-round by house- 
holds residing in their home communities is the transport of goods 
across the international border with Bolivia. As was noted in Chapter 
II, trade links with Bolivia have existed from pre-Hispanic times. 
Since the 19th century large herds of livestock have been driven to La 
Paz and sold there by people from Sarata. The increasing importance of 
the international border in recent times, as the two nations have in- 
vested greater effort in controlling who and what crosses it, has in- 
creased both the risks and the potential profits for maintaining these 
commercial links. The effect has also been heightened as goods pro- 
duced by multinational capitalist enterprises have come to form the 
major portion of the goods moving along these three trade routes. 

One of the bases of the continued contraband trade are foodstuffs 
which are transported from Peru and resold in Bolivia. For the reasons 
described in Chapter II, food is artificially cheap in Peru as a result 
of government subsidies. Because food is not subsidized in Bolivia, 
prices are considerably higher. This allows Peruvian food to be sold 
at a considerable profit in Bolivia. On the other hand, during the 
period of military government in Peru, high tariffs were placed on such 
imported goods as radios, televisions, home appliances, and whiskey in 



-175- 

an effort to stimulate domestic industries and discourage Peruvians 
from buying imported goods and contributing to the nation's trade 
deficit. Bolivia allows free entry of such products. This creates 
opportunities for considerable profit for people who smuggle such goods 
into Peru. 

As has been noted, there is considerable variation in the scale 
of the different smuggling operations. Those which are truly capitalist 
enterprises in their own right, owning all of the means of production 
necessary for carrying out the activity and hiring workers, will be 
discussed presently. Attention will first.be given to the petty mer- 
cantilists who rely upon the trucks of others for transportation, hire 
no employees, and have no direct ties with the enterprises which manu- 
facture or import the goods they carry. Although they do not embody 
capitalist relations of production in and of themselves, but consist 
simply of individuals performing a mercantilist function, these opera- 
tions act as agents of capitalist enterprises that are international in 
the scope of their operations. They serve a distributive function for 
those enterprises, allowing them to circumvent obstacles to their pro- 
ducts raised by national political interests. 

Although smuggling tends to attract the interest of observers, 
smuggled goods are but a fraction of those handled by small-scale com- 
mercial ists. The other goods commonly handled by commercial ists may 
link them to other enterprises characterized by diverse relations of 
production. One important function of these enterprises is the purchase 
of fruits, vegetables, and corn in the city of Juliaca for resale in the 
Sunday market of the town of Sarata and the rural markets which meet 
throughout the region during the rest of the week. The fruits and 



■g!IIB*ig»i «a Mi»>i m tPwMwi— i i ai B nw- 



-175- 



vegetables come primarily from large enterprises on the coast which hire 
workers to meet their seasonal labor needs while the corn comes from pro- 
ducers both in the area of Arequipa and in the more temperate valleys 
of Cuzco. 

These products may be resold in the Sarata markets, or they may be 
traded for goods of local origin. In the markets located in the high 
elevations, products which are frequently available include meats and 
cheeses as well as wool. Meat is primarily sheep meat, and it is either 
sold by the piece in the Sarata market on Sunday or is used to help feed 
the commercialist's household. Cheeses are readily available only in 
the months of relatively abundant rainfall. They may either be resold 
to people from the town or to people from the lakeside communities who 
own few animals, or they are sometimes sold in Juliaca and, on occasion, 
in Arequipa. Wool may be purchased either loose or still attached to 
the hide of a slaughtered animal. Commercial ists may use the wool to 
help satisfy the demand of their own household, or the small quantities 
they receive may be kept and accumulated over time, since wool may be 
readily converted to cash or to other goods should a need arise. 

From markets located near the border, the commercial ists bring back 
dried hot peppers ( wayk'a ) and corn cultivated by small-scale producers 
in the valleys of Bolivia. These are traded by the Bolivians for meat, 
cheese, and woolen products from the highland areas and dried ispi (a 
variety of small fish) from Lake Titicaca. Most of the valley products 
are resold or traded by the commercial ists within the district of 
Sarata. 

Some commercial ists have specialties other than agricultural pro- 
ducts. One of the most common is the marketing of manufactured clothing 



-177- 



and shoes. Several commercial ists specialize in hardware, items such 
as hammers, nails, batteries, and replacement parts for kerosene stoves. 
Such goods are purchased periodically in the city of Juliaca and then 
sold in the various markets in the district of Sarata. 

Although most commercial ists do participate in smuggling, these 
small-scale entrepreneurs, who do not own the transport facilities upon 
which they depend, are able to engage in this activity only when regular- 
ly scheduled border markets afford them the opportunity. Illegal trans- 
actions constitute a small portion of a week's business. Within the 
sphere of legal transactions, we may also observe that the commercial - 
ists are linked to a broad range of producers representing an equally 
broad range of production relationships. The preferred brand of bat- 
teries sold, for example, is the Peruvian affiliate of a multinational 
corporation based in the United States. Some clothing items are 
imported from manufacturers in Asia, while some clothing and most shoes 
are produced by Peruvian enterprises. Commercial ists dealing in agri- 
cultural products are tied to large capitalist enterprises located on 
the Peruvian coast, the same ones that employ laborers from Sarata, as 
well as to the non-capitalist agricultural production carried out by 
households within the district. 

Men may be commercial ists, and actually form the majority of those 
who specialize in hardware. Overall, however, women dominate the 
small-scale mercantile activities of Sarata. Various factors account 
for this. Women are generally considered to be superior to men in 
business activities, generally being better managers and shrewder in 
bargaining than men. Also, there is a general recognition that, in 
controlling for smuggled goods, police officials frequently underestimate 



—"r—i*. iiawBTlit,: 



-178- 



women. The most important factor, however, is that men tend to leave 
the area to work as laborers in much greater numbers than women because 
of the discrimination women experience in urban areas. Commercial ist 
activities allow the women to live at home and perform the necessary 
maintenance activities in the fields and with the animals in addition 
to attending the markets around the district. If additional labor is 
required at home, a woman can simply decide not to attend a particular 
market and, instead, dedicate herself to household subsistence activi- 
ties. 

Capitalists 

The transport and commercialization of goods is' not the exclusive 
domain of petty entrepreneurs, however. There are also some sizeable 
transport companies which employ numerous people. These enterprises 
transport goods and the petty commercial ists and their wares to the 
city, the border, and different markets in the region. In addition to 
simply running several trucks to the different markets, these commer- 
cial enterprises may also include garages where vehicles are maintained 
and repaired and warehouses where goods are stored. They may also be 
closely linked to import-export businesses in Peru and Bolivia, as well 
as various retail outlets. In addition to truck drivers and their 
helpers and laborers to load and unload cargo, such enterprises employ 
mechanics, accountants, secretaries, clerks, and administrative person- 
nel. Their operations may extend over all of southern Peru and include 
Bolivia and Chile as well. Unlike the petty commercial ists, who engage 
in smuggling almost coincidentally with their other mercantile 



-179- 



activities, these enterprises accumulated the capital necessary to grow 
to their present size by means of this illegal activity, although they 
are also involved in activities which are legitimate. 

Interestingly, the individuals who own the large-scale enterprises 
which dominate the commercial activity of the area are from rural areas 
of the district, and although many of their businesses are located in 
Juliaca, Puno, Arequipa, or La Paz, Bolivia, Sarata remains an important 
base for their operations. Business is conducted in Sarata, trucks 
and goods to be shipped are kept there, and preference is given to 
people from the rural communities of the district as employees. In 
addition, the owners make an effort to satisfy all of the obligations 
they have as members of a rural community. Their agricultural lands 
are maintained, by relatives if not by themselves, contributions are 
made for community projects, and reciprocal relations with other com- 
munity members are maintained. 

Men and women are both represented among the owners of Sarata 's 
large-scale commercial concerns. In fact, this sort of economic activity 
offers almost unique opportunities to women. Although subject to diverse 
forms of discrimination in the urban centers where much of the capital- 
ist economy of Peru is concentrated, this is not the case in Sarata, 
and potential female entrepreneurs have no more difficulty accumulating 
capital in a business based in Sarata than do men. 

Although these peasants- cum -entrepreneurs are extremely colorful 
figures who are indicative of the economic opportunities that have be- 
come available in Sarata during the past 20 to 30 years, and in spite 
of the fact that their role in the economy of the region is undoubtedly 
a major one, they are not representative of the population of the 



-180- 



district as a whole. The most common way in which saratenos partici- 
pate as capitalists in the capitalist mode of production is through the 
cultivation of coffee and citrus fruits in the Tambopata Valley of 
Sandia province. 

Movement of people from Sarata into this area began in earnest in 
the 1930s and 1940s. It was greatly accelerated in the 1950s as a re- 
sult of the Bolivian agrarian reform which forced many people from 
Sarata to give up lands in the Bolivian valleys, which they had owned 
or rented prior to that time and by several years of severe drought 
which afflicted the altiplano area at that .time (Martinez 1969). Today, 
the Tambopata Valley is one of Peru's most important coffee-producing 
regions, and it also produces significant quantities of oranges as well 
as other fruits. Every year a large part of the population of Sarata 
migrates to lands it owns in the valley and households maintain members 
both there and on the altiplano . In some communities as much as 90 
percent of the households participate in this activity. Overall, it 
appears to involve in the area of 33 percent of the households in the 
district. 

Most saratenos who go to the Tambopata Valley own land there. 
Since 1946, the area has been affected by a law which made its lands 
available for ownership to people wishing to establish a claim to a 
piece of property and make it produce. Although they had to endure 
considerable bureaucratic bungling and abuses, the majority of people 
did take advantage of the mechanism provided to acquire legal title to 
their lands. 

Acquiring legal title to their land has generally been among the 
least of the worries of the people going to cultivate in the area. For 



■181- 



many years the road into the valley ended in the provincial capital of 
Sandia, and cultivators had to walk three days or more to reach their 
lands in the vicinity of the towns of Yanahuaya and San Juan del Oro. 
Of course, all production had to be carried back out the same way. Those 
who could find mules available and were willing to pay the price hauled 
their coffee to Sandia on muleback. Most people, however, carried the 
coffee out themselves, making several trips between their lands and 
Sandia, each person carrying 25-30 kilograms of coffee each trip. Many 
people died as they lost their footing on the treacherous paths of the 
narrow valley and fell over cliffs and into ravines. Others were re- 
portedly attacked and killed by animals. 

The producers were met in Sandia by agents of the few enterprises 
who controlled transport into the valley. These entrepreneurs were able 
to dictate what price producers would receive as there were no other 
means of getting coffee to market. The transport of coffee provided 
the basis for several people of relatively humble social origin to be- 
come quite wealthy. The position of producers began to improve somewhat 
as the transport industry in Puno began to grow and foster some compe- 
tition among the coffee entrepreneurs at the same time that a road 
that would support truck traffic was slowly extended from Sandia to 
San Juan del Oro. This road, however, was only completed in 1959. By 
that time the first Belaunde administration had established a system of 
coffee cooperatives as a part of its agrarian reform program. Although 
the private entrepreneurs fought very hard to try to prevent the coffee 
cooperatives from being successful, these soon put an end to most of 
the private conmercial ization of coffee. 



"••-' — — - '-!:•■ 



-182- 



The coffee cooperatives were made the only legal mechanism for the 
commercialization of coffee, and to sell coffee to a cooperative, a pro- 
ducer had to be a member. There have been numerous allegations of mis- 
management and corruption leveled at the cooperative system; but the 
cooperatives have, since their establishment, paid producers consider- 
ably higher prices than they would have received from private entre- 
preneurs. Naturally, making the cooperatives the only legal purchasers 
of coffee did not halt private speculation entirely. A lively black 
market exists in the commodity. Private entrepreneurs continue to pay 
a lower price than do cooperatives, but they pay on the spot in cash. 
Long delays are frequently associated with receiving payment through 
the cooperatives, a fact which is particularly irritating in periods 
of rapid inflation. 

The private interests have largely moved out of the transport of 
coffee. Coffee speculators are commonly members of the coffee coopera- 
tives. They buy coffee from the producers and then resell it to the 
cooperatives when they feel the maximum price has been reached. The 
monopoly of the cooperatives on the transport of coffee out of the 
valley and its subsequent marketing is quite effective. 

Private entrepreneurs are quite active in the transport and 
marketing of citrus fruits, peanuts, and other tropical products. 
Returning to the valley, they bring meat, potatoes, and other highland 
food staples. During the coffee and citrus harvest, the towns of 
Yanahuaya, San Juan del Oro, and Yanamayo import considerable quanti- 
ties of food. Although the area is capable of producing a large 
variety of food crops, producers prefer to dedicate their time to cash 
crop production, which is, of course, the reason they have gone to the 



-183- 

valley in the first place. In addition, highlanders admit that they 
have not developed a liking for many of the food crops of the valley, 
and, although the food brought down from the highlands is expensive, it 
gives them the strength to do the hard work. 

In the area of transporting food, citrus, and people, competition 
is keen among the privately owned trucks and those of the cooperatives. 
As in the highland trade and transport businesses there are two sorts 
of entrepreneurs, those who own all of the necessary means of produc- 
tion, principally trucks, and those who rely upon the trucks of others 
to carry them back and forth. This latter -category includes a number of 
producers, who become involved in entrepreneurial activities in addi- 
tion to producing coffee and citrus once they have found a means for 
satisfying their agricultural labor requirements. 

Sarateno households which own land in the Tambopata Valley find it 
necessary to have members in the area during two periods of the year. 
The first of these is as soon as possible after the major labor demands 
of the altiplano planting season have been met. This usually means 
that someone goes to the valley in October or November. This is the 
period for planting whatever corn, yuca ( Manihot utilissima ) and other 
subsistence crops that are to be consumed by household members working 
there. Weeding and maintenance activities are carried out on existing 
fields and slashing and burning operations are realized on new land 
that is to be brought under cultivation. Depending upon the tasks, 
household members may stay in the valley until near the end of February, 
returning to the highlands to attend the Carnaval festivities and then 
to help with the task of q"ullina . or the bringing of land out of fallow, 
and the harvesting of highland crops. 



-.-T...--^ .-^-. .-— ■- 



■184- 



Some coffee is harvested as early as the month of March, although 
the harvest does not reach its peak until June or early July. The 
strategies adopted by households depend upon their individual situations, 
particularly with regard to how much labor they have available to 
allocate to the respective highland and valley fields. In some cases, 
it is possible for a woman to go to the tropical valley region and 
initiate the coffee harvest, leaving her husband to carry out the 
^Vmna. The woman then returns to take charge of the bulk of the 
highland harvesting and the man returns to the tropical valley. In 
other cases, a household may not be able to send any members to Tambo- 
pata until the month of May, when the q"ullina and much of the harvest 
has been completed. Labor allocation is sometimes easier when several 
households own a single piece of land together. Households to which 
brothers and sisters belong may do this, for example, and the house- 
holds then coordinate their labor allocations as if they were a single 
unit. 

Different factors contribute to determining the strategies of 
household labor allocation. One important factor in determining the 
labor allocation strategy of a household is its size, and, specifically, 
the number of adult laborers who are members. A person is generally 
considered able to work as an adult around the age of fifteen. 

Also of importance are the ties of kinship which link one house- 
hold to another. The organization of affines is one of the most highly 
elaborated aspects of the Aymara kinship system. The number and type 
of affinal and other kinship ties possessed by a household determines 
for whom it is obligated to work and who is obligated to work for it. 
Kinship organization also determines whether or not labor obligations 
are reciprocal (Collins 1981). 



*>m— niiijrw nifcT»niLj ■ 



-185- 



Households located in areas that are not adjacent to the lake tend 
to own more animals and thus have less discretion over how to allocate 
their labor. Large herds also require larger amounts of labor to take 
care of daily maintenance activities. Households which depend heavily 
upon livestock in their basic subsistence strategies are more con- 
strained in the options they have available for cultivating in the 
tropical valley. 

Once some of a household's members have returned to the tropical 
valley region for the coffee and citrus harvest, several tasks must be 
performed. The most labor intensive activities associated with the 
coffee harvest are picking and processing. The outer hull and pulp 
must be removed from the beans. This is accomplished either by means 
of a mechanical, manually powered huller, or despulpadora , or it is 
accomplished by placing the beans in a burlap sack in a river and 
allowing the action of the water, together with some decomposition, to 
remove the hulls. The beans are then sun-dried and transported to the 
cooperatives. 

Transport remains a big problem for producers. The road now ex- 
tends through the towns of San Juan del Oro and Yanamayo, to a point 
about five kilometers below the latter. The coffee cooperatives have 
their offices in one or the other of these tow towns. However, the 
producers' lands are located as much as a four-day walk in any direction 
from the road. For many, getting the coffee to the road where it may 
be picked up by a truck is as difficult as in the days when the harvest 
had to be carried to Sandia. The cooperatives ship the coffee that 
their members bring to them about once a week. The trucks of all of 
the different cooperatives carry their loads to a single central 



-186- 



distributor in Juliaca upon which they are all dependent. There, the 
coffee is bulked for international export. 

The most common citrus fruits are oranges, tangerines, and limes. 
These are picked prior to making a trip to town, where they are sold to 
buyers. Usually, the fruit buyers are people who have businesses in 
the towns of San Juan del Oro or Yanamayo. These buyers bulk the fruit 
at their businesses and ship it out about once a week, also primarily 
to the city of Juliaca. The arrangements by which citrus is marketed 
are various. The buyers may be representatives of larger commercial 
concerns in Juliaca who simply buy the fruit for these enterprises and 
ship it out on company trucks. Buyers may act as middlemen in their 
own right, in which case they may simply sell it to another independent 
buyer from the highlands. These intermediary operations vary widely 
in size, with some buyers owning their own trucks and others contracting 
with independent drivers to haul the fruit out for them. 

For producers, labor is the most constant and critical problem. 
Once the coffee has matured, it should be picked immediately. Picking 
is done completely by hand. A great deal of labor is frequently in- 
volved in the transport of coffee and citrus to the cooperatives or 
buyers as well. Producers usually turn to members of their extended 
family and to other community members in their search for laborers. 
If this does not yield enough workers, producers must hire workers they 
can find. Wages are high by local standards. Producers pay an average 
of $2.00 to $3.00 a day to laborers, depending upon how much coffee 
they pick. Producers also have the obligation of providing the people 
working for them with meals and lodging. 



.i lf *lm,mii.mO ; 



-187- 



Sometimes it 1s also necessary to provide laborers with additional 
incentives. People who go to the valley to work as laborers frequently 
do so with the idea of acquiring their own parcels of land, or they 
work to earn money to support themselves while they wait for recently 
acquired land to come into production. Producers must sometimes agree 
to perform some labor on the land of such a person in order to induce 
them to work. 

Producers of coffee and citrus are in an interesting position with 
regard to the capitalist economy. On one hand, they ere certainly 
capitalists themselves, control ing the means necessary to produce coffee 
and citrus fruit and paying wages for labor power. On the other hand, 
coffee and citrus really have no exchange value until they have been 
transporter out of the Tambopata Valley. Transactions which take place 
in the valley are really based upon the potential exchange value once 
the products have arrived where there is a market for them. If we 
accept that production is the creation of value, then the production 
process for these commodities is not complete until they have been 
transported to market. Whatever use value that coffee and citrus have 
in and of themselves for producers is certainly minimal. As has been 
described, producers do not control transport facilities. From this 
perspective, landowners in the Tambopata Valley do not control the 
means of production at all . Rather, they are simply the agents of 
larger entities, for which they perform the services of acquiring, 
clearing and maintaining land, providing their own labor and marshaling 
that of others, and accepting many of the economic risks inherent in 
producing a commodity whose price is determined by world market 
forces. 



-188- 



The Organization of Labor 



The capitalist and non-capitalist activities which have been de- 
scribed in this chapter constitute the principal bases of the present 
economy of Sarata. As has been noted, households rely upon the non- 
capitalist subsistence agriculture and herding activities to provide 
the basic food and fiber resources essential to their survival. Capital- 
ist activities provide a means for satisfying the increasing needs for 
cash. 

Members of a single household may occupy positions in the capitalist 
economy ranging from worker to independent entrepreneur to capitalist. 
Obviously, all households do not participate in all of the activities 
described here. There is, however, a conscious household subsistence 
strategy which leads households to diversify their participation in 
economic activities among the available options to the extent that their 
labor resources will permit. 

This approach allows households to increase their security against 
circumstances that could potentially threaten their survival. By 
maintaining control over their own basic food production, households 
are not compelled to sell their labor power in order to secure the 
minimum conditions for their own survival. However, should there be 
an agricultural disaster precipitated by drought or blight, for example, 
participation in capitalist activities means that the households would 
not be caught completely without funds for the purchase of food or new 
seed stocks. From the point of view of the capitalist enterprises, 
such a diversified strategy means that the wages they pay do not have 
to equal the subsistence costs of their workers' households. 



■189- 



For households to attempt such a diversification strategy certain 
conditions must be met. First, there must be some sort of complementary 
distribution of the productive activities that constitute a household's 
economic options. That is, the timing and location of the activities 
must be such that participation in one does not preclude participation 
in others. Secondly, for the subsistence sector to be maintained out- 
side of the realm of the capitalist mode of production, it must be 
capable of meeting the basic subsistence needs of the population without 
depending upon subsidies from the capitalist market system. Thirdly, 
household units must be able to organize the labor they have available 
and allocate it in such a way that appropriate members will be where 
particular economic activities are taking place when they are needed. 
The fact that there is money to be made growing coffee in the Tambo- 
pata Valley has no economic significance to households in Sarata if 
they cannot place members in the area during critical periods for a 
sufficient length of time. 

These conditions are met in the case of Sarata. Capitalist economic 
activities have developed in coordination with non-capitalist activities 
related to subsistence. Subsistence agriculture does provide most of 
the basic needs of the population without large subsidies from the 
capitalist economy. Households organize themselves so as to partici- 
pate in activities that demand that they be far from home for prolonged 
periods. This allows a strategy of economic diversification to be 
followed in which saratenos seek to take advantage of the opportunities 
offered by the capitalist economy without becoming dependent upon it. 



CHAPTER V 
HOUSEHOLD DIVERSIFICATION IN A PEASANT ECONOMY 

Introduction 

Having discussed the development of the regional economic system 
of which Sarata is a part and discussed in general terms the strategy 
by which saratenos deal with that economic system, attention can be 
turned to the level of a particular household. It is at this level 
that the capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production are joined 
in the sphere of exchange in the transfer of value from the non- 
capitalist to the capitalist mode of production, and in the allocation 
of labor so as to coordinate the production schedules of the respective 
modes. By focusing upon a particular household it is possible to see 
how saratenos attempt to make the diversified economic strategy 
described in earlier chapters function in their interests. 

The economic activities which conmonly involve members of the 
rural conmunities of Sarata are alternatives among which individual 
households may choose in accordance with the constraints under which 
they operate. The location of a household in the district is an 
important constraining factor. The district of Sarata is characterized 
by three distinct ecological zones. Each zone is characterized by a 
different subsistence base, which, in turn, requires a different 
productive schedule and, sometimes, different productive techniques. 



-190- 



-191- 



Labor availability is also extremely important. Households attempt to 
assure production of enough food for their own subsistence before 
turning their attention to capitalist activities. Those which have 
children of an age to contribute to agricultural tasks are freer to 
seek out opportunities within the capitalist mode of production, and 
they enjoy greater flexibility in coordinating activities in the 
respective modes. 

A Sarata Household 

The household to be discussed belongs to the community of Jaf'a, 
which is located in the lakeside ecological zone of Sarata. The 
decision to focus upon the lakeside zone is based upon ease of presen- 
tation. Households within the lakeside zone have fewer head of live- 
stock than households in other areas of the district. Their small 
herds require less attention than do the larger herds found elsewhere. 
This increases the flexibility which the individual household has for 
participating in capitalist and non-capitalist activities. Households 
which are located farther from Lake Titicaca and have herds of animals 
of sufficient size to require large amounts of daily attention must 
enter into complex reciprocal relationships with other households in 
order to pursue a diversified economic strategy. 

A comparison of how households in different ecological zones 
organize in order to pursue a diversified economic strategy would be 
very interesting. However, it is beyond the scope of the present work. 
The goal of this discussion is to present the revenues and costs 
associated with different economic activities and examine the factors 



-192- 



which constrain a household in allocating its time and resources. This 
can be done most clearly using as an example a household from the 
lakeside zone of Sarata. 

Jaf'a is one of a number of communities in the lakeside zone of 
Sarata. It shares with the other communities an agricultural sub- 
sistence base of broad beans, potatoes and minor tubers, and barley. It 
also shares the characteristics of having households which own small 
herds of livestock that do not require large amounts of year-round 
attention by adults. Thus, each household is relatively independent in 
pursuing its economic interests. In spite of the general similarities, 
a large number of differences may be observed between Jaf'a and other 
lakeside communities. Table 5-1 compares the lakeside communities of 
Sarata in terms of their respective populations, the number of house- 
holds, and the mean household size of each community. These same 
communities are compared in Table 5-2 in terms of the areas of land 
per household which are dedicated to the cultivation of the major crops 
of the lakeside zone in a particular year. The number of head per 
household of the most important livestock in the lakeside communities 
is compared in Table 5-3. 

Because there are significant differences between communities 
within the lakeside zone of Sarata, no attempt has been made to con- 
struct a composite household representative of the entire zone. Such 
a composite would represent "average" characteristics of the entire 
zone but would not be a realistic portrait of any of it. Within Jat"a, 
the agricultural resource base for the household to be discussed con- 
forms generally to mean values for the community. Patterns of 



■193- 



Table 5-1 



Population, Number of Households, and Mean Household Size 

in Lakeside Communities 



Community 


Population 


Number 


of Household 


5 Mean 


Household Size 


Jaf'a 


156 






35 




4.5 


A 


982 






180 




5.5 


B 


658 






167 




4.2 


C 


207 






47 




4.4 


D 


443 






72 




6.1 


E 


176 






39 




4.5 


F 


269 






52 




5.2 


G 


1325 






275 




4.8 


H 


258 






51 




5.1 


I 


555 






97 




5.7 


J 


785 






94 




8.3 


K 


128 






31 




4.1 

1 


L 


392 






94 




4.2 ! 


M 


216 






42 




5.1 


N 


403 






93 




4.3 





346 






84 




4.2 


P 


520 






100 




5.2 


Q 


385 






79 




4.9 


R 


1485 






300 




4.9 ■ 

■ 


S 


408 






76 




5.4 
5.1 


T 


144 






28 




Total 
Population: 


10,241 


Total 
House 


holds: 


2035 


Lakeside 

Area Mear 


i: 5.03 



-194- 



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496- 



Table 5-3 

Head of Livestock per Household 
in Lakeside Conmunities 



Community 


Sheep 


Cattle 


Pigs 


Camel ids 


Jaf'a 


6.1 


1.0 


2.4 


1.1 


A 


4.6 


1.2 


0.6 


0.1 


B 


3.4 


1.1 


0.5 


0.1 


C 


11.2 


1.3 


0.5 


1.1 





4.4 


0.8 


0.6 


0.1 


E 


5.4 


KO 


0.7 


0.4 


F 


4.5 


1.2 


0.8 


0.6 


G 


7.9 


1.5 


0.2 


0.3 


H 


4.3 


0.9 


0.5 


0.7 


I 


4.6 


1.0 


1.2 


0.3 


J 


2.1 


1.1 


0.5 


0.4 


K 


9.1 


1.6 


1.3 


0.3 


L 


5.7 


1.7 


0.8 


0.1 


M 


4.8 


1.9 . 


0.6 


0.7 


N 


4.4 


1.6 


0.7 


0.8 





6.7 


D.7 


1.3 


1.2 


P 


6.8 


0.6 


2.4 


0.8 


Q 


10.5 


0.9 


0.8 


2.2 


R 


4.6 


1.0 


1.4 


0.6 


S 


8.9 


1.1 


1.4 


1.8 


T 


7.2 


1.1 


1.8 


1.4 



-197- 



involvement in different economic activities follow those of a number 
of actual households observed by the author whose resource bases and 
compositions correspond approximately to community means. 

The mean household size in Jaf'a is 4.5 people, with most house- 
holds consisting of simple nuclear families of parents and offspring. 
The household to be discussed here has three children, one six years 
old, one four years old, and one an infant less than a year old. The 
children are cared for by their mother and father, bringing the total 
household size to five people. A young household was decided upon 
because young households are the ones which most urgently need to 
accumulate resources to support their high expenses while raising 
children at the same time they are constrained by the need to provide 
care for children who, in turn, can contribute very little labor to 
household productive activities. 

This Jaf'a household has about 1.1 hectares of land under culti- 
vation at any one time, the mean area for households in the community. 
In Jaf'a, and throughout the lakeside ecological zone, the area under 
cultivation at any one time is approximately one- third of a household's 
total holdings. This "rule of thumb" indicates that our household's 
total landholdings amount to slightly more than three hectares.^ 

The pattern of land allocation in the case of the household under 
discussion follows the pattern of Jat"a as a whole. The major crops 
of Jaf'a are listed in Table 5-4, along with the percentage of total 
community lands they occupy, and the absolute land areas corresponding 
to our household with 1.1 hectares, or 11,000 square meters, under cul- 
tivation. 



-198- 



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-200- 



These crops may be grouped into four major components of the 
rotation cycle. In the order in which they are sown in the rotation 
cycle, these are potatoes, the minor tubers--including apilla , isanu , 
and ullul<u --broad beans and peas, and the cereals for human consumption, 
barley and wheat. On non-irrigated lands, these are normally sown on 
the same plot in consecutive seasons. Large areas of the lakeside 
zone of Sarata, however, are irrigated. The tendency is to plant broad 
beans and peas on the irrigated lands year after year. The relatively 
large area of irrigated land in Jat"a is reflected in the fact that 
broad beans occupy the largest portion of the crop lands. As the amount 
of irrigated land decreases, potatoes come to occupy a greater part of 
the land under cultivation. 

In Jat"a, the mean number of livestock owned per household is 10.6 
head. These usually include sheep, pigs, llamas, and cattle. In the 
lakesize ecological zone, these small herds of livestock are maintained 
primarily by feeding them totora rushes, which grow in the water, along 
the shores of Lake Titicaca, and forage grains. Our household owns 
11 head of livestock, including six sheep, two pigs, a llama, a cow, 
and her calf. How this compares to Jat"a as a whole is illustrated in 
Table 5-5. 

Sheep are the major wool -producing animals in the lakeside zone. 
Sheep require less pasture than do camelids in an area where grazing 
land is very scarce. Also, sheep may be shorn every year as compared 
to every other year in the case of camelids, and females can produce 
offspring at a rate of nearly two per year, providing families with 
their basic source of meat and small amounts of occasional supplemen- 
tary income through the sale of an animal. 



-201- 



Table 5-9 
Livestock Owned by Households in Jaf'a 



Animal Number in Community Mean Number per Household 



Cattle .35 1.0 

Llamas 38 "1.1 

Pigs 83 2.4 

Sheep 212 6.1 



Because they are difficult to herd, pigs are a nuisance. Owners 
are constantly trying to keep pigs out of their own or a neighbor's 
cultivated fields. Howerver, pork is a highly prized meat and pigs are 
kept for consumption on special occasions. Most lakeside households 
butcher and consume one or two pigs every year. Pigs which have been 
consumed are usually replaced through purchase, as few households feel 
that they have the time or the surplus food necessary to raise an 
entire litter themselves. 

Llamas are the predominant beasts of burden in the lakeside zone 
of Sarata. Unlike elpacas, they survive well there and are even 
capable of descending comfortably into the tropical valleys on trading 
expeditions. Llamas cannot carry as much as a burro; 50 kilograms is 
close to the maximum. However, llamas do not eat as much as burros, 
an important consideration in the pasture-scarce lakeside zone, and 
they have the added advantage of producing hair that may be shorn and 
woven. 



• ""r ' rp'^ i ' I ■ "~n i ''--^--"~ i i n j i — i .ii-r- ' -- ■ 



■202- 



Of all their livestock, cattle are the animals which come the 
closest to functioning as a "bank" or reserve fund for the inhabitants 
of the lakeside zone. During the rainy months, they provide milk, 
which is processed into cheese. These are either consumed by the 
household or sold as a source of supplementary income. Cattle are also 
important because they can be sold for relatively large sums of money at 
the livestock markets, which are held in February and September in 
Sarata. This is, in fact, the only activity related to food production 
that yields a substantial profit for lakeside households. 

In addition to engaging in subsistence agriculture, this Jat"a 
household engages in two capitalist activities: the wife works as a 
merchant and the husband cultivates land in the Tambopata Valley. Based 
upon information provided by the tenientes gobernadores of the communi- 
ties of Sarata, it is estimated that about 30 percent of the households 
in the district own land in the Tambopata Valley. The percentage of 
the population in the lakeside zone which owns tropical lands is some- 
what higher than in the district as a whole. However, there is tremen- 
dous variation from one community to another. In some, more than 90 
percent of the households own land in the Tambopata Valley, while, in 
others, none of the households own land there. In the community of 
Jat"a participation in the cultivation of tropical cash crops is rather 
high, with slightly more than 50 percent of the households of the 
comnunity owning land in the Tambopata Valley. 

A large number of women in the lakeside zone own businesses. In 
fact, most appear to be at least occasional merchants. The contribution 
made to household income by commercial activities carried out in Juliaca, 



-203- 



at the Bolivian border and in the rural marketplaces of the district 
varies widely. This variation is partly explained by access to trans- 
port facilities. The women who live in communities which are con- 
veniently located in relation to the town of Sarata, or who live in 
communities which have truck-owning members, are the ones who partici- 
pate most frequently in market activities. Jaf'a borders the town of 
Sarata and counts several truck owners among its members, so market 
participation among the women is high. 

Daily Activitie s 

Observations indicated that Aymara households are engaged in 
productive activities for about 15 hours out of e-^ery day. Households 
observed and interviewed are normally awake by 4:00 a.m. At this time, 
a dung fire is built in an earthen oven, and water is put on to boil. 
The entire household frequently gathers about the fire, taking advantage 
of the warmth it offers and aiding in food preparation. The largest 
meal of the day is usually consumed in the morning and food is prepared 
at this time for consumption throughout the day. The cooking of the 
morning meal itself only begins after everyone has been served their 
herb tea and bread. 

Morning is a time for performing maintenance activities, personal 
grooming, repairing tools, spinning and weaving, and bringing water to 
the household compound. Morning is also a good time for listening to 
the radio, as distinct stations in Lima and La Paz may be received as 
clearly, and many broadcast news and other items of interest in the 
Aymara language at this time. 



JBJieN<B rra » ■ 



-204- 



Breakfast is usually consumed around 8:00 a.m., and although a 
great deal of work may have been accomplished prior to this time, most 
of it is confined to the household compound. Animals are frequently 
not taken out to graze until nearly 9:00 a.m. This means that it is 
nearly 9:30 or 10:00 a.m. before people are able to arrive at a work 
site. Tasks which may be accomplished within the household compound 
are emphasized early in the morning because the Aymara recognize a 
category of diseases related to cold stress, which may be contracted by 
getting the feet wet. Therefore, tasks which involve walking through 
grassy pasture areas of fields are avoided until the sun has dried the 
earth of whatever moisture that accumulated the night before and warmed 
the air enough that there is no danger of getting a chill. 

If a household is performing tasks which require only the labor of 
its own members, such as cutting wood for fuel or repairing the 
numerous stone fences, the day's work regimen is fairly informal. 
People intersperse work with short breaks to eat or chew coca and change 
tasks as they desire. However, if a task involves ayni exchanges of 
labor with other households, such as in planting, harvesting or opening 
fallow land, the work day is fairly strictly regulated. After about 1.5 
hours of work a break of about 15 minutes is taken, during which the 
household organizing the task is responsible for providing a substantial 
snack for all who have come to work, coca for the workers who chew it 
and candy for those who do not. In the case of a community project, 
people consume provisions they have brought themselves for the purpose. 
This break is followed by 1.5 to 2.0 hours of labor, at which time a 
large meal is consumed and workers rest for from 45 minutes to an hour. 



-205- 



Another 1.5 to 2.0 hours of work is fonowed by a second 15-ininute 
break similar to the one in the morning, after which work continues 
until around 5:00 p.m. The workday must end early enough to allow 
people sufficient time to collect herd animals that may have been left 
tied some distance away and return home before dark. 

An evening meal is prepared, usually leftovers from the large 
morning meal, and the household members may spend some time in spinning 
or weaving, or some maintenance activity. However, since very simple 
kerosene lamps and the dung fire are the only sources of light, smoke 
and fumes, and poor light quality limit the amount of time that may be 
dedicated to this. Once the sun has set, the night grows cold very 
quickly. This provides an added impetus for people to go to bed early, 
although they frequently remain awake for some time, talking and 
listening to the radio. 

Based upon such a routine, it was calculated that most adult 
household members spend about 15 hours e\/ery day awake and engaged in 
some sort of productive activity. Of this, field labor or community 
work projects occupy only about 6.5 hours. The length of this period 
is limited by the time required to performmaintenance activities, and 
the need to schedule work so that the most strenuous tasks are performed 
during the warmest part of the day. The number of adults that can be 
produced to work such a 6.5 hour period at one time is the critical 
factor in determining household labor resources. The activities 
which are performed during the remaining 8.5 working hours, such as 
herding livestock or bringing them food, cooking, eating, and performing 
maintenance tasks are equally essential; but, they do not require 



-206- 



coordination with other households in producing a specified number of 
workers to carry out a particular task for a specified period of time. 
Table 5-6 summarizes how the 15 hours of a normal day might be accounted 
for by an adult member of a household. 

Table 5-6 

Hours per Day Dedicated to Subsistence Tasks 
by Adult in Lakeside Household 



Activity 

Cultivation or Work Project 

Food Preparation 

Work Breaks and Eating away 
from Home Compound 

Livestock Related 

Miscellaneous Maintenance 

Total 



Approximate 
Hours/Day 


Approximate 

Percentage of 

Productive Time 


6.5 


43.3 


3.0 


20.0 


1.5 


10.0 


2.0 


13.3 


2.0 


13.3 


15.0 Hours 


99.9 



Labor Allocation 
It is of interest that these figures do not change very much 
regardless of whether the adult household member observed is male or 
female. This is indicative of the flexibility of the sexual division of 
labor, which permits adult men and women to be interchangeable in per- 
forming most household activities. If, for example, in the morning 
the woman becomes involved in tending to the children, the man will cook; 



-207- 



or, if the man is busy spinning or weaving, the woman will take care 
of the livestock. There are general expectations that, all other things 
being equal, some tasks, such as cooking, will be performed by the 
woman, while others, such as breaking open fallow ground, will be 
carried out by the man. Observation indicates, however, that, even 
when such expectations do exist, over time, both men and women perform 
all domestic tasks with such frequency that it is difficult to measure 
any sex-related differences in the time spent on any particular activity. 

Table 5-6 refers to days in which a person is at home and engaged 
exclusively in non-capitalist activities. The number of days in which 
both adults are so engaged is relatively small, however. For approxi- 
mately 150 days of every year, the man in the household under discussion 
resides in the Tambopata Valley, involved in the cultivation of cash 
crops. During much of the rest of the year, the woman works as a 
merchant for several days each week, attending markets in the weekly 
periodic cycle of the region. Although her work permits her to reside 
at home, she must usually leave the house by midnight to be sure of 
securing a place on one of the trucks going to her destination, and 
does not return home until 4:00 or 5:00 the following afternoon. Such 
a strategy provides a household with a cash income that satisfies most 
of their basic needs; however, the success of the strategy depends 
upon both the man and the woman being able to perform all of the 
activities associated with managing and maintaining the household. 

The agricultural cycle demands that particular activities be 
carried out within a specific time frame. Potatoes must be planted 
after the rainy season begins, but before it continues long enough to 



-208- 



make the ground soggy, for example. Likewise, potatoes must be 
harvested after they are mature, but before they are eaten by nematodes 
or ruined by frost. Within this sort of time frame, labor allocation 
is further constrained by the need to perform maintenance activities 
which leave only about 6.5 hours per day for field labor. The need to 
earn cash through participation in capitalist economic activities 
provides a further incentive to realize tasks related to subsistence 
agriculture with dispatch. In addition, the existing techniques of 
cultivation frequently require more workers than many households can 
provide themselves. Therefore, in order to complete subsistence activ- 
ities within the necessary time frame and acquire the number of people 
necessary to form productive teams, the exchange mechanisms of mink 'a 
and ayni are relied upon to bring the appropriate number of people to 
perform a particular task. 

Many labor-intensive activities are carried out in teams and 
households are 'jery aware of the marginal utility of labor in these 
cases. For example, the basic potato planting team consists of three 
people: one person to open the earth with a wiri , or foot plow, one 
person to insert the seed potatoes, and a third person to break up any 
dirt clods and smooth the rows. Such a three-person team can sow a 
potato field measuring approximately 1000 square meters in a 6.5-hour 
workday. This represents a total labor investment of 19.5 hours in 
planting a 1000 square meter field and implies a rate of progress of 
154 square meters per hour for the three-person team. If only two 
people were working, one opening the earth and one inserting the seed, 
no new ground could be planted after 4.3 hours of work because it would 



■209- 



be necessary for the two-person team to spend over one hour each 
breaking dirt clods and smoothing the soil. With two people planting, 
slightly over 660 square meters could be sown in 6.5 hours. If we 
assume that the field produces at a rate of 7000 kilograms per hectare, 
then the product of a day of work would be about 700 kilograms of 
potatoes, as opposed to slightly over 460 kilograms for two people. 
The marginal product resulting from a couple bringing in a third adult 
to help plant potatoes is thus equal to the average product (Figure 5-1) 

If the household were to acquire the services of two additional 
workers bringing the total number of workers in the field to four, the 
marginal utility of the second person would be zero in relation to the 
planting process itself. A person cannot plant potatoes alone and 
there is no need to have more than one person following the pair open- 
ing the earth and inserting potatoes in order to break up dirt clods. 
If an additional worker were brought in, it would be for the purpose 
of performing some activity related to the planting, such as spreading 
manure ahead of the planters or sorting seed potatoes. 

If the household were to bring in a third worker, this would 
result in an increase in the marginal product resulting from their 
labor. As shown above, a two-person team can sow about 660 square 
meters of potatoes in a 6.5-hour vjorkday. A fourth worker would mean 
that the household commanded the labor power of two complete planting 
teams, theoretically capable of planting 2000 square meters of potatoes 
in a 6.5-hour workday. 

In other cases, it is not necessary to calculate the number of 
additional workers needed to form the appropriate number of teams. 



-210- 




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-211- 



The tasks related to the potato harvest, for example, may be performed 
by individuals, each of whom, up to a point, contributes labor that 
has marginal utility to the production process. In such a case, the 
appropriate amount of labor is determined by the number of people 
required to perform the task in a specified period of time. 

If a household were going to harvest 500 square meters of potatoes, 
it could expect to receive a yield of approximately 350 kilograms or 
a productive plot of land. In addition to simply digging the potatoes, 
they must be transported to the home compound and stored because potatoes 
left outside during the night could be frozen during the night or 
consumed by livestock. The difficulty of recruiting workers during the 
busy harvest season is another reason that, once begun, the complete 
process of harvesting all 350 kilograms of potatoes should be completed 
within a 6.5-hour workday. 

The labor requirement for digging 350 kilograms of potatoes is 
about 35 hours. Approximately four hours of labor is required to sort 
350 kilograms of potatoes. If we assume that the household has avail- 
able sufficient beasts of burden to carry 100 kilograms of the harvest 
to the home compound on each trip, three trips would be required. If 
we further assume that each round trip requires approximately one hour, 
then transport of the 350 kilogram harvest would require an additional 
three hours. Thus, harvesting 350 kilograms of potatoes from 500 square 
meters of land may be reasonably expected to require 42 hours of labor. 
This means that to accomplish the task in a single day, a household 
with two adult members would have to decide whether to invite four or 



-212- 



five additional laborers. This decision would depend in part upon who 
were the individuals being asked to work. Some people are harder 
workers than others. It would also depend upon the husband and wife's 
calculations of how many days of labor they are in a position to repay. 

The production function for harvesting potatoes is illustrated in 
Figure 5-2. The relationship of total product (TP) to labor is almost 
perfectly linear. The average product (AP) or the average amount of 
potatoes produced by each hour of labor, rises to slightly above seven 
kilograms and remains stable until 350 kilograms have been harvested. 
Marginal product (MP), or the amount of additional production resulting 
from each additional unit of labor, is at about five kilograms for the 
first 5.5 hours of labor, rises to slightly above eight kilograms for 
the second 6.5 hours, and remains steady until between the sixth and 
seventh units of 6.5 hours, or to about 42 hours of labor; MP becomes 
less than AP with the addition of a seventh worker, representing a 
final 6.5 hours of labor, and reaches zero. 

Thus, households do attempt to use labor inputs as efficiently as 
they can. However, the period of time in which an activity such as 
potato harvesting may be realized is brief . Absolute constraints are im- 
posed by the physical enviroment. As noted, potatoes must be harvested 
after they are mature and before they are frozen or ruined by nematodes. Rain 
may further restrict the number of days available for harvesting. 
Efforts must also be made to schedule activities so they do not inter- 
fere with cash-earning activities in the capitalist mode of production. 
Furthermore, the techniques of production require that tasks be defined 
in terms of what may be accomplished in a single day. Therefore, a 



-213- 




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-214- 



household must not only consider the number of hours of labor required 
to accomplish a task such as potato harvesting, but it must organize 
these inputs so that they are available during very particular periods 
of time. 

Another factor which a household must consider when calculating 
its labor needs is repayment of workers. As noted, labor may be 
acquired through either ayni or mink 'a . Usually workers choose to work 
under ayni , which means they must be repaid in labor. Thus, people 
who come to work for a day on the lands of a household must be repaid 
a day's work by an adult member of that household. During periods of 
peak activity, most households need additional labor within a short 
span of time. Repayment of labor obligations can be "disruptive if a 
household does not plan carefully in terms of the opportunity cost of 
its labor. For example, in the Jaf'a household under discussion, it 
would be highly preferable if the woman did not have to miss any major 
market days performing labor services. Every effort would be made to 
work out a "repayment schedule" that the man alone could pay back, or, 
at least, would not require the woman to perform agricultural labor on 
a market day. Such considerations require that households plan both 
in terms of the number of workers they require and in terms of the 
production schedules of people they might ask to work. 

Household Agriculture 

Potatoes and Minor Tubers 

In Jaf'a, the planting season begins in early August, shortly 
after the new year begins for the Aymara. Potatoes are the earliest 



-215- 



crop planted. Since they are also the first crop in the rotation cycle, 
considerable preparation is necessary to make the fields ready for 
planting. Preliminary preparation includes stone removal, construction 
of raised furrows, and transporting and spreading manure. The most 
difficult of the preliminary tasks is furrow construction. It requires 
a three-person team to furrow efficiently. Such a team can furrow at a 
rate of about 217 square meters an hour, completing slightly more than 
1800 square meters in a 6.5-hour day if the small plots to be furrowed 
are close enough together so that time is not lost walking from one 
plot to another. Depending upon the distance between plots and weather 
conditions, the 2800 square meters to be planted in potatoes by our 
Jat"a household can be furrowed in two or three days', embodying nearly 
39 hours of labor when completed. 

Manure is transported to the potato fields and spread immediately 
prior to planting. Most households accomplish this task without 
bringing in additional laborers. Manure is transported to the fields 
in 100-kilogram flour sacks. The contents of a 100-kilogram flour sack 
are approximately sufficient to manure an area of 50 square meters. 
The 2800 square meters of our household thus require about 56 sacks 
of manure. It is assumed that this household borrowed additional beasts 
of burden so as to be able to transport two sacks of manure per trip. 
Opportunistic observation indicated than an average round trip from 
house to field and back, including loading the manure sacks, may be 
said to require about one hour in the lakeside zone. Thus, in this 
case, manure transport would require approximately 28 hours of labor. 
On the basis of participant observation, it is estimated that, once 



-216- 



transported to the fields, approximately 19 additional hours of labor 
are required to spread it over 2800 square meters. 

The minor tubers, apilla ( Oxalis crenata ), isanu ( Tropaeolum 
tuberosum ) and ulluku (Ullucus tuberosus ) are planted during the same 
period as potatoes. However, they do not require the extensive field 
preparation prior to planting that potatoes do. The minor tubers follow 
potatoes in the crop rotation cycle, occupying the same land that 
potatoes did the previous year. The furrows used for potatoes are re- 
used for the minor tubers, with little or no repair being done. Manure 
is not applied to the minor tubers. 

All tubers account for slightly over 41 percent of the land under 
cultivation in any one year in the community of Jaf'a. In the case of 
our household this represents about 0.44 hectares or 4400 square meters 
of land. The actual planting technique is the same for all tubers and, 
as described above, embodies about 19.5 hours of labor per 1000 square 
meters of area. This means that about 86 hours of labor are required 
by our hypothetical household to plant 4400 square meters of tubers 
after all field preparations have been accomplished. 

In the community of Jaf'a, the labor requirements for field prepa- 
ration and planting tubers are greatest in the months of September and 
October. About two-thirds of the time required for these activities 
is spent in September and October. This amounts to over 115 hours of 
labor. About one-quarter of the labor or approximately 43 hours is 
expended during the month of August, when potatoes are planted in the 
areas with moist soils. Less than 10 percent of the labor, or about 14 
hours, is expended in activities related to potato planting in early 



■ ifi-^Ti--''BTir ■"■« 



-217- 



November. This is related to the planting of a few rows of "bitter 
potatoes" ( Solanum andigenum ) in an area exposed to extreme climatic 
conditions. 

Once planted, tubers receive two weedings, at which time the sides 
of the furrows in which they are planted are reinforced. This requires 
considerable labor. In Jaf'a, it was estimated that the task required 
nearly one hour for every 100 square meters to be weeded and have the 
furrows reinforced, although this rate varies widely depending upon 
the condition of the soil in a particular plot and how much erosion 
has occurred as a result of rainfall. This rate would mean that 
approximately 44 hours are required to accomplish each weeding and 
furrow rebuilding in the case of our hypothetical household, or a total 
labor expenditure of 88 hours. 

The weeding and furrow rebuilding may be accomplished by a person 
working alone. Also, the task may be accomplished within a relatively 
long time span. The earliest potatoes sown are ready for weeding by 
the end of November, and, although the bulk of the work is done in 
December and January, a household may not finish until February. The 
rainfall, which is frequently heavy during these months, limits the 
time that may be dedicated to weeding. Women frequently do this work 
alone for, in households such as the one under discussion, the man 
generally spends December and January in the Tambopata Valley. 

February is a month which sees most men who have gone to the 
Tambopata Valley return, either in time for the Candelaria festival at 
the beginning of the month or for Carnaval at the end. In the montana. 



-218- 



the season for weeding land and planting subsistence crops is over and 
no coffee is harvested until the end of March. In addition, the end 
of Carnaval marks the beginning of a period of intense agricultural 
activity. Immediately after the festival begins the task of q"ullina , 
or the opening of fallow land. 

Q"uTl'''na is one of the most physically demanding tasks of the 
agricultural cycle, although it is less so in the lakeside zone than in 
the other areas of the district. In Jaf'a and many other communities 
near the lake, the earth is broken open and turned over. As noted 
above, the furrows for planting potatoes, the first crop in the rotation 
cycle after the land has been taken out of fallow, are constructed 
immediately prior to planting in Jaf'a and other areas of the lakeside 
zone. However, in other parts of the district, furrows are constructed 
at the same time that the earth is turned. 

Throughout the district, the basic work team is three people, two 
cutting the sod and lifting the earth with wiri , or foot plows, while 
a third person uses the hands to turn the pieces over. The expressed 
ideal is that this team consists of two men, working with the w2^ri_, and 
a woman turning the earth. However, in fact, men and women perform both 
the tasks of cutting and lifting the earth with the wiri and turning it 
with the hands. In a few communities, one observes a large number of 
all -male q" ullina teams. In these communities, a very high percentage 
of the households--over 90 percent--own land in the Tambopata Valley. 
The men return in February for the festivals and organize themselves 
to carry out the q"ullina , while the women replace them in the tropical 
valleys in March to initiate the coffee harvest. In an area of the 



-219- 



district where the men have a tradition of making extended comnercial 
expeditions one observes teams composed exclusively of women performing 
q"unifia . 

In Jaf'a and most communities near the lake, however, the man and 
woman of a household utilize a^ relationships to acquire the necessary 
labor for q"ullina . This task cannot be performed by fewer than three 
people. In Jaf'a, most people bring between 2500 and 3000 square meters 
of land out of fallow every year. This represents approximately one- 
quarter of the land under cultivation in any year, and about the same 
amount of land goes into fallow annually. The household under discus- 
sion performs q"ullina on 2800 square meters of land. Breaking open 
this much land, without constructing furrows at the same time requires 
approximately 38 hours of labor, or slightly over two work days for the 
three-person team. 

The harvest of the potatoes and minor tubers begins in April and 
continues into May in the lakeside area of Sarata. All of the tasks 
involved in potato harvesting may be accomplished by a person working 
alone, and the total number of hours involved changes little regardless 
of whether the work is accomplished by one person or a group. However, 
a group can greatly reduce the number of work days required to complete 
the task. This may be important because some varieties of tubers have 
a tendency to rot \^ery quickly when left in the ground too long. The 
minor tubers are particularly susceptible to damage by nematodes once 
they reach maturity. This appears to be because there is a higher 
concentration of works in the land experiencing a second consecutive 
year of tuber cultivation than in land that has just been removed from 



-220- 



fallow, where tubers of the genus Solanum are planted. In addition, 
in households which have land in the Tambopata Valley, it is necessary 
for someone, normally the man, to leave for the tropical zone by the 
first of May, in order to be sure of arriving in time for the peak of 
the coffee harvest. Therefore, an effort is made to harvest as much 
as the progress of the season will allow by that date so as to minimize 
the labor that the remaining spouse will have to expend alone later. 

Again, ayni exchanges provide the means' by which households meet 
their labor requirements. The labor power provided by ayni tends to be 
directed toward the harvest of the most productive fields, where the 
amount of potatoes resulting from an hour of digging is greater. Mar- 
ginal fields tend to be harvested on a basis of when labor is available, 
with the members of a household doing the work alone. This frequently 
has the effect of further reducing the productivity of marginal areas 
because part of the product is lost to spoilage or consumed by animals 
before anyone gets around to harvesting them. Once the bulk of a house- 
hold's subsistence requirements have been assured, subsistence agricul- 
ture receives a lower priority in labor allocation as labor power is 
focused toward capitalist activities. 

The amount of ayni labor recruited is determined by the number of 
people needed to completely harvest a particular area, or areas located 
near one another in a single workday. In the potato harvest, the 
related activities involved with getting the potatoes from the field to 
the storage areas in the household compound are equally important as the 
actual digging. Potatoes may not be left lying around a field once they 



-221- 



have been dug, and the order in which the tasks involved with harvest- 
ing are accomplished is designed to minimize the time involved in 
handling the new crops. The potatoes are carefully sorted as soon as 
they are removed from the ground so that, except for those destined 
for freeze-drying, they will not have to be handled individually again 
until they are consumed. They are then carried to the household com- 
pound and stored. 

Both potatoes and minor tubers are harvested with the same tech- 
niques, meaning that the total area that our Jaf'a household will 
harvest is 4400 square meters. The total time required for digging the 
potatoes in this area is about 309 hours. Sorting involves about 35 
hours of labor. Transport of the tuber harvest is estimated to involve 
about 21 hours. Storage of the crop, including .preparation 
of the recessed earthen bins requires an additional labor expenditure 
of about 35 hours. Thus, the labor power required for our hypothetical 
household to harvest its tuber crop is approximately 400 hours. The 
tasks and requisite expenditures of labor power are summarized in 
Table 5-7. 

The amount of product which results from this labor expenditure 
is very variable, depending upon soil and weather conditions as well 
as productive decisions made by the household. As noted, in the best 
fields, potato ( Solanum tuberosum ) production reaches as high as 7000 
kilograms per hectare. However, over the district as a whole, the 
reported mean yield is 5247 kilograms per hectare, indicating the 
possible range of productivity. One factor partially responsible for 
this has already been mentioned. Households which calculate that they 



-222- 



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-224- 



are meeting their basic food needs with the production of their best 
fields assign a lower priority to harvesting marginal ones if they per- 
ceive a more profitable activity to which they may dedicate their 
labor. Thus, their lower productivity of marginal lands is accentuated 
by losses of harvest to nematodes and frost. 

In the lakeside ecological zone, it is not unreasonable to assume 
a mean yield of 6000 kilograms per hectare for Solanum tuberosum . Thus, 
our hypothetical household could expect to harvest 1500 kilograms of 
Solanum tuberosum . Solanum andiqenum is planted only on more marginal 
lands subject to extreme temperatures, so it may be assumed that the 
district-wide mean of 5229 kilograms per hectare more accurately re- 
flects its productivity than does the mean for Solanum tuberosum . 
This indicates that our hypothetical household can expect to harvest 
about 157 kilograms of Solanum andigenum . The minor tubers are planted 
exclusively in the more temperate areas of the lakeside ecological zone. 
This allows us to be relatively confident that the district-wide mean 
yields for the minor tubers are not unreasonable for calculating the 
harvest per hectare in Sarata, so that our household can expect about 
868 kilograms to be harvested. Mean yields of 3769 kilograms per 
hectare for ulluku ( Ullucus tuberosus ) and 4118 kilograms per hectare 
of isanu ( Tropaeolum t uberosum ) permit us to estimate harvests of 38 
and 41 kilograms, respectively, of these tubers by our hypothetical 
household. We may thus estimate a total tuber harvest of 2604 kilograms 
for the household being described. This information is summarized in 
Table 5-8. 



-225- 



Table 5-8 
Estimated Tuber Yields for Lakeside Households 



^ , Kilograms 

luoer Hectares Planted Yield/Hectare Harvested 



Solanum tuberosum 0.25 

Solanum andigenum 0.03 

Oxalis crena ta 0.13 

Ullucus tuberosus 0.01 

Tropaeolum tuberosum 0.01 



6000 


1500 


5229 


157 


6200 


868 


3769 


38 


4118 


41 



TOTAL YIELD 2604 



The final activity related to tuber production which requires a 
significant labor expenditure on the part of Sarata households is 
freeze-drying, or the making of ch'uriu and tunta from the Solanum 
andi5_e_num and of k"aya from Oxalis crenata. All of the Solanum andi - 
gg"^^ production is treated in this way. The bitter enzyme which makes 
it frost-resistant must be leached out through the freeze-drying process 
before the tuber is edible. Because Oxalis crenata is not regarded as 
being very storable, a significant portion of this tuber is freeze- 
dried, with the fresh tubers being consumed during the cold months 
iminediately after harvest. The freeze-drying process, which was 
described in the previous chapter, occurs over a period of many days 
during the month of June, with households attempting to finish the 
process by the festival of San Juan on June 24. 



-226- 



During the course of the present investigation, it was not pos- 
sible to accurately measure or estimate the actual number of hours 
invested in freeze-drying. Thomas (1972:118) estimates that about 25 
hours are required to perform the tasks necessary to freeze dry the 
production of 500 square meters. Three hundred square meters of Solanum 
andigenum and the production of 200 square meters of land planted in 
Oxalis crenata are reasonable estimates of the portion of the harvest 
of the lakeside zone destined for freeze-drying. Therefore, Thomas' 
figure of 25 hours will be used here. 

Broad Beans and Peas 

In the community of Jat"a, broad beans ( Vicia fava ) and peas 
occupy about one-third of the land under cultivation. This means that 
our hypothetical household has about 3700 square meters in broad beans 
and peas every year. Of this about 3400 square meters are devoted to 
broad bean cultivation and about 300 square meters are planted in peas. 
Broad beans are said to be the crop which makes best use of irrigated 
land, yielding three harvests a year on lands which are watered through- 
out the year. 

Irrigated land is unevenly distributed in the lakesize zone of 
Sarata. Some corrmunities have no irrigated lands within their bound- 
aries, while others, such as Jaf'a, possess them in abundance. However, 
because of the pattern of land tenure described in the preceding chap- 
ter, nearly every household in the lakeside zone has direct access to at 
least a small parcel of irrigated land, and a non-random survey of 



-227- 



campesinos indicated that the majority of households in the district 
have such access. It was not, apparently, by coincidence that the 
reduccion which became the town of Sarata was placed on a hill in the 
center of an area where a significant part of the irrigated land is 
concentrated. Vecino families in the town own substantial parcels of 
the most desirable property to the present day, although the campesinos 
are using their cash earnings to purchase this land as the vecino fami- 
lies abandon the area. 

Of the 3700 square meters the household under discussion has 
planted in broad beans and peas, about 2000 are irrigated, with the 
remaining 1700 square meters relying upon rainfall or moisture. This 
latter area follows the minor tubers in the crop rotation cycle, but 
the irrigated land is planted in broad beans and peas year after year. 
Bean planting on land that is not irrigated occurs primarily in the 
month of September. There is little preliminary field preparation; 
broad beans and peas customarily receive no manure or other fertilizer, 
and after having been cultivated for two consecutive years, the bean 
fields usually contain little foreign matter which needs to be removed. 
In some cases, the furrows in which the tubers were planted are rebuilt, 
while in others they are not. Such furrows are most commonly observed 
in those fields which, although dependent upon rainfall for moisture, 
do not drain easily and contain considerable standing water once the 
rains begin in earnest. Whatever preliminary field preparations are 
required in the non-irrigated areas, they are usually carried out by 
household members themselves in the course of their other activities. 
Planting beans requires considerably less time than tubers. The 
basic planting team is the same, consisting of three people. One person 



-228- I 



opens the earth with a wiri , one person inserts the seed, and a third 
person follows behind breaking the dirt clods. Such a three-person 
team progresses at about the same rate as a potato planting team, 
covering about 1000 square meters in a 5.5-hour work day. Thus, 1000 
square meters of beans and peas embody about 19.5. hours of 1 abor expended 
and slightly more than 33 hours are required for our hypothetical house- 
hold to plant 1700 square meters of land in broad beans. Only about 
40 kilograms of seed are required to seed 1700 square meters of land 
in beans, so even the transport of this input is less time consuming. 

Although the general strategy of owning dispersed lands holds true 
for broad beans and peas as for other crops, the area of the district 
in which this crop may be successfully cultivated is' restricted to the 
more temperate areas of the lakeside zone of Sarata. Marginal areas 
which do yield some potato production will not support broad beans 
and peas or the minor tubers. This accounts for why the area of land 
taken out of fallow each year is considerably greater than eventually 
comes to be planted in broad beans and minor tubers. It also increases 
the possibilities for households accustomed to working together having 
the bulk of their lands located in adjacent, or nearby areas. This 
makes it easier for households to v^fork together, cultivating a large 
area of land as a single unit although parcels of it belong to numerous 
individuals. 

Broad beans planted in September are weeded once, in January or 
between the festivals of Candelaria and Carnaval in February. This 
weeding requires about 40 minutes of labor to complete every 100 square 
meters, so that the 1700 square meters of our hypothetical household 
represents about 11 to 11.5 hours of labor invested in weeding. 



-229- 



Unlike tubers, beans and peas are not harvested all at once; the 
beans produced by a single plant become mature enough to harvest over a 
period of several weeks. Thus, although the labor requirement for 
harvesting an area of beans is relatively high, a household is usually 
able to manage the task with its own labor resources. During the 
harvest, plants are picked at intervals of from every three or four days 
to once a week. The plants are also examined for insect pests and 
signs of disease. Observations indicate that for 1700 square meters 
of non-irrigated beans, this involves a labor expenditure of about 113 
hours, with the yield being about 300 kilograms of beans. 

Many of the beans and peas are consumed fresh as they are har- 
vested. A large portion of the harvest is dried and stored. The drying 
process is very simple; the beans and peas are threshed and dried in 
the sun. However, considerable handling is required because the beans 
normally must be gathered up and spread out numerous times to prevent 
their being dampened by rain storms which are still fairly frequent in 
late March and in April, when the non-irrigated beans are harvested. A 
rough estimate of the time involved in the threshing, handling, drying, 
and storing of the beans harvested from the non-irrigated land of our 
hypothetical household is 31 hours. 

Cultivation of irrigated lands in Jaf'a is organized so as to 
harvest three crops of beans and peas each year. After planting, beans 
and peas require from five to six months to become harvestable. Three 
crops are realized by having three plantings: one in late July or early 
August for harvest in late February and early March; another in late 



-230- 



March or early April to be harvested the following September or October; 
and a third planting in June, which is usually harvestable by late 
November or early December. Although there is no rule that the June 
planting must be smaller, there are pressures which tend to make it so. 
The young bean plants appear during the coldest months of the year, 
when the danger of damage by frost is greatest. In addition, in house- 
holds such as the one under discussion here, the male is generally away 
in the Tambopata Valley, so less labor is available for planting. 
Although smaller, this harvest arrives at an important time, for the 
months of November and December are considered the lean months in 
Sarata. The early crops are taken to the church and blessed as part of 
the festivities surrounding the day of Santa Barbara' in December. 

Although irrigation increases the productivity of the land by 
raising yield potential and allowing more than one harvest to be 
realized on a plot in a single year, it also increases the demand upon 
household labor resources. First, cultivating irrigated land is simply 
more time consuming. Planting and harvesting techniques are the same, 
but weeds respond to irrigation the same as other plants and this task 
requires more time. In addition repairs must be made on the elevated 
rows upon which the beans are planted because the water passing through 
the ditches tends to erode them. Some maintenance regularly occurs 
during weeding, but the condition of the rows must be inspected regu- 
larly. 

A more concentrated labor investment is required by the annual 
community labor project, p"ayna , for the purpose of repairing and main- 
taining the irrigation system. Each household is required to 



-231- 



contribute five days, or about 32.5 hours, to this task during a week 
agreed upon by the community, usually the last week of May. Households 
which do not comply are obligated to make a monetary contribution equal 
to the cost of employing someone for wages for five days. People from 
other communities are expected to participate in the project if they 
own irrigated land in Jaf'a. Those who do not will lose their land. 

With 2000 square meters of irrigated land, our household in Jaf'a 
produces enough broad beans and peas to feed its members, and to have a 
surplus to trade in the rural markets of the district for goods such 
as wool. Organizing planting and harvesting activities so as to real- 
ize three crops a year reduces periods of household dependency upon 
stored food and distributes the necessary labor inputs through the 
entire year. There are no firm rules which dictate how a household 
must allocate its lands among the three crops, and different households 
described different systems. However, there are pressures which tend 
to influence decisions. Beans and peas planted in March or April must 
survive the months of June, July, and August, when there is a danger 
of frost even on irrigated lands. The same consideration applies to 
beans planted in June. In addition, the June planting coincides with a 
period of labor scarcity in many households. In households such as the 
one under discussion, the man has left for the Tambopata Valley so that 
the woman must take charge of the planting alone. Thus, in the case of 
many households, the largest planting occurs in late July or early 
August, with smaller ones occurring in late March or early April and 
in June. In the case of the household in Jaf'a the large planting 
occupies a total of 1000 square meters or land area and each smaller 
planting occupies 500 square meters. 



-232- 



Planting follows the same procedure on both irrigated and non- 
irrigated fields. Thus, a three-person team can plant 1000 square 
meters in a single 6.5-hour work day, investing 19.5 hours in the task. 
A three-person team can accomplish the second and third plantings in a 
half-day each, with each of the smaller plantings embodying 9.75 hours 
of labor. 

Weeding requires somewhat more time in the irrigated fields than 
in the non-irrigated ones, because weeds thrive in the moist fertile 
soil just as do the beans. In addition, weeding activities frequently 
include repairs to the elevated rows, which may be eroded by the action 
of the irrigation water. Weeding for the first planting occurs in late 
November or early December, in late June or early July for the second 
planting, and in September for the third planting. Weeding irrigated 
fields is estimated to progress at an approximate average rate of one 
hour per 100 square meters. This results in a ten-hour labor expendi- 
ture for the 1000 square meters of the first planting and about five 
hours each for the two plantings of 500 square meters. 

Irrigated lands yield larger harvests than do non-irrigated lands, 
about 2000 kilograms per hectare. Thus, the first planting may be 
expected to produce a harvest of about 200 kilograms, with the smaller 
harvests amounting to about 100 kilograms each. Nearly 74 hours are 
estimated to be necessary to harvest the large crop, while the small 
crops require about 37 hours each to harvest. The time involved in 
transporting, shelling, drying, and storing the crop is estimated to be 
19 hours in the case of the first harvest, and about 14 hours for each 
of the smaller harvests. The estimated labor expenditures made by our 



-233- 



hypothetical household in broad bean cultivation are sunmarized in 
Table 5-9. 

Barley and Wheat 

Barley and wheat are planted as food grains, and occupy about 16 
percent of the crop land in Jaf'a at any one time, or about 1700 square 
meters of land in the case of our hypothetical household. Of this 
1700 square meters, 1400 are planted in barley and about 300 are planted 
in wheat. Wheat will not grow in most of the district of Sarata, and 
even in temperate areas, such as the community of Jaf'a, wheat may be 
successfully cultivated only in sheltered areas. Barley, on the other 
hand, is very resistant to the stresses of the high altitude environment. 
Outside of the lakeside zone of the district, where broad beans and 
minor tubers will not grow, barley occupies a much larger percentage of 
the land area under cultivation than it does in Jaf'a. 

Planting barley and wheat for human consumption occurs in late 
August or early September in the lakeside zone of Sarata. This does 
not require a large amount of time, but many people describe grain 
planting as the most arduous agricultural task. The earth is plowed 
using a wooden plow with a small metal-tipped blade which produces 
shallow furrows. In other parts of the district, this plow is drawn 
by a pair of bullocks; however, households in the lakeside zone do 
not have sufficient pasture to support such livestock and the plow is 
usually drawn by two people. A third person guides the plow and the 
planting team is completed by a fourth person who does the seeding and 



-234- 



Table 5-9 
Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation of Broad Beans and Peas 



Task 



Planting 

First planting (irrigated) 
Non-irrigated planting 
Second planting 
Third planting (irrigated) 



Weeding 

Of irrigated beans from 

first planting 
Of non-irrigated beans 
Of irrigated beans from 

second planting 
Of irrigated beans from 

third planting 



Harvest and Storaoe 



Approximate Duration 



Hours 



Late July-August 

September 

Late March-April 

June 


19.50 

33.00 

9.75 

9.75 


SUBTOTAL 


72.00 



November-December 


10.00 


January-February 


11.00 


June-July 


5.00 


September 


5.00 


SUBTOTAL 


31.00 



Harvest of first irrigated 








planting 


February-March 




74.00 


Transport and storage of 








first irrigated planting 






19.00 


Harvest of non-irrigated 








planting 


Late March-April 




113.00 


Transport and storage of 








non-irrigated planting 






31.00 


Harvest of second irrigated 








planting 


Septenber-October 




37.00 


Transport and storage of 








second irrigated planting 






14.00 


Harvest of third irrigated 








planting 


November-December 




37.00 


Transport and storage of 








third irrigated planting 






14.00 




SUBTOTAL 


342.00 


Maintenance of Irrigation Works 


Late May 




32.50 






TOTAL 


477.50 



T" ■ "Palj rT>i^ ^ 'tkf 1^ fc^J'O jTr 



-E35- 



smoothes the field. Such a team can plant wheat or barley at a rate of 
about 1.75 hours per 500 square meters, and could thus plant the 1700 
square meters of our hypothetical household in slightly less than six 
hours. The total labor investment for grain planting for a household 
comes to slightly less than 24 hours. 

The harvest period for wheat and barley is usually from around 
the last week of March to the last week of April. The harvest process 
has several steps. Cutting the grain by hand with a scythe requires 
about 20.4 total hours for 1700 meters of land. The threshing is then 
accomplished by beating the heads of the stalks with sticks to release 
the grain and then tossing the grain into the air to allow the wind to 
carry away the chaff. In the case of our hypothetical household, this 
involves about 14.2 total hours of labor. The grain is then transported 
to the household compound. There it is dried in the sun, winnowed 
again to further remove chaff from the grain and stored, a process 
estimated to involve about 17 hours of labor. The total labor invest- 
ment in the wheat and barley harvest is thus approximately 51.6 hours, 
for a return of about 124 kilograms of grain. Wheat and barley yields 
in Sarata are about 730 kilograms per hectare, so we can expect that 
a household with 1700 square meters of barley and wheat will harvest 
about 124 kilograms. The labor requirements for wheat and barley cul- 
tivation are summarized in Table 5-10. 

Ouincj 

Small amounts of quinoa ( Chenopodium quinoa ) are cultivated in the 
lakeside area of Sarata. In Jat"a, about 4 percent of the land under 



-236- 



cuUivation is planted in quinoa , amounting to about 400 square meters 
of area in the case of our hypothetical household. All of the quinoa 
in Jaf'a is planted in fields where either tubers or beans are the 
primary crop. Quinoa is planted along the edges of elevated rows and 
sometimes as a border around a plot of land. The quinoa helps hold the 
earth on the sides of the rows. Also, planted in this fashion and 
around the borders of a plot, the large plants act as a windbreak and 
aid in protecting the main crops. 

Planted in this fashion, the labor requirements for sowing quinoa 
are met with the planting of the tubers and beans. Seeds are simply 
sprinkled over the freshly tilled earth. Harvesting quinoa , however, 
is disproportionately time consuming. This usually occurs in March and 
April, and, for the harvesting of 400 square meters of quinoa , requires 
more than 32 hours to pick and thresh the grain. With an approximate 
yield of 404 kilograms per hectare, this labor investment is for a 
yield of slightly more than 16 kilograms of q uinoa . 

Forage Grains 

Small areas of land are planted in forage grains to be used as 
livestock feed in the lakeside area of Sarata. In the community of 
Jaf'a, this amounts to slightly more than 5 percent of the total area 
of land under cultivation in a given year. In the case of the house- 
hold in Jaf'a, this amounts to about 600 square meters of area. Forage 
barley and oats are planted 1n approximately equal quantities, usually 
in the months of August and September. The task is accomplished by a 



n. 



-237- 



four-person team, which uses the same technique for planting the forage 
grains as it does to plant food grains, and approximately eight hours 
of total labor are required to sow the 600 square meters. 

The forage grains are cut and transported to the household com- 
pound to be dried in March or April. The dried barley and oats are 
then fed to the livestock during the dry months when the pastures are 
unable to support the animals. This requires about 13 hours of labor. 
Forage grains thus require a total labor investment of about 21 hours. 

Onions 

The Ministry of Agriculture estimates that there are ten hectares 
of land planted in onions in the district of Sarata. All ten hectares 
are found among the approximately 1600 hectares of land under cultiva- 
tion in any ye&r in the lakeside area of the district. In the community 
of Jaf'a, the mean area of land planted in onions per household is 
approximately 70 square meters. Households use some of these onions 
to season their own food, and sell or trade some in the rural markets 
of the district. Onions are usually planted close to the household 
compound because, since they can be sold or traded easily for wool, 
onions are occasionally stolen. 

Observations indicate that approximately two hours of labor are 
required to prepare the soil, using a hand plow, or wiri , and sow the 
onion seed. Onions are usually planted in the month of September. 
They may then be harvested from January through April as needed. Both 
harvesting and occasionally weeding are done when time is available. 



-238- 



The 70-square-meter plot yields about 75 kilograms of onions, and 
these activities are estimated to involve about five hours of labor. 
The labor requirements for onions are summarized in Table 5-10. 

Table 5-10 

Labor Inputs Required for Cultivation of Barley, 
Wheat Quinoa , Forage Grains, and Onions 



Crop 



Activity 



Approximate Duration Hours 



Food Grains 
(wheat, barley) 



Quinoa 



Forage Grains 
(forage barley, 
oats) 



Onions 



Planting 
Harvesting 
Cutting 
Threshing and 

initial winnowing 
Transport, drying, 
second winnowing, 
and storage 



Planting 

Picking and threshing 



Planting 
Harvesting 

Cutting 

Transporting 

Drying 



Planting 

Harvesting, weeding, 
and pulling 



August-September 
Harch-April 



SUBTOTAL 



August-September 
March-April 



August-September 



24.0 
20.4 
14.2 

17.0 
75.60 

32.00 



SUBTOTAL 32.00 



8.00 



13.00 

SUBTOTAL 21.00 

September 2.00 

January-April 5.00 

SUBTOTAL 7.00 



TOTAL 135.60 



-239- 



Livestock 

Households in the lakeside areas of Sarata maintain only small 
numbers of livestock. This is primarily due to a lack of pasture 
resulting from high population density and relatively productive land 
which is more prized for growing crops than for providing grazing area 
for animals. It will be recalled that our hypothetical household owns 
11 head of livestock: six sheep, two pigs, a llama, and a cow with a 
calf. 

The biggest single labor expenditure for livestock is their 
pasturing and feeding. This involves either driving the animals to and 
from a pasture where they can graze, or, during the dry months, feeding 
them a combination of reeds from Lake Titicaca and oats and forage 
barley. This task is estimated to require about 60 hours per month, 
all year long, for a total labor expenditure of about 720 hours annually. 
Pasturing and feeding cattle are among the major factors limiting the 
time available for field labor or community projects to 6.5 hours per 
day. 

The sheep are generally sheared in February, as is the llama 
every second year. The labor expenditure is about five hours each 
February. A sheep is butchered about once a year, usually near the 
end of Kay. Some of the meat is consumed fresh, but most of it is 
dried. The butchering itself requires about four hours. Cutting up 
and drying the meat requires an additional three hours of labor, spread 
over several days as the meat dries. Two pigs are kept to be butchered 
during the course of the year. The pork is consumed fresh. Each 



i*(a«tac.:^J«WMM=Eaa»ic-, 



-240- 



pig butchering requires about five hours of labor. February is a 
popular month to butcher a pig, in conjunction with either the Cande- 
laria or Carnaval festivals. The 14th of September festival is also 
a popular pig-butchering occasion. 

Lambing occurs twice a year, usually in June and December. Human 
assistance is sometimes needed in the birth process and the mother and 
offspring must be sheltered from cold and moisture. Prior to the birth 
of the young, pregnant female sheep are often separated from the 
other animals. Approximately six hours are required for these tasks, 
with the time nearly equally distributed between June and December. 
Calving occurs once a year, frequently in the month of June. A house- 
hold with only a single cow will occasionally pay a fee for the services 
of someone's bull. More commonly, however, a cow is simply pastured 
near a likely looking bull at the appropriate time of year. About four 
hours are involved eyery year in assuring a cow's pregnancy and provid- 
ing assistance at the time of birth. The bulk of this labor expenditure 
occurs in the month of June. 

Costs and Revenues of Subsistence Agriculture 

From the perspective of the people of Sarata, the most important 
features of the subsistence activities described above are that they 
generally provide an adequate food supply and that they cost the 
household very little in the way of cash. Indeed, plant cultivation 
usually involves no cash outlay. When crops are harvested, seed is 
set aside for the next season of planting. Only two contingencies 



-241- 



force people to purchase seed. One is a succession of poor growing 
seasons, caused either by weather conditions or plant blight, which 
deplete stored provisions and force people to eat what they have set 
aside for seed. Also, a household will occasionally get itself in a 
position of being obligated to supply good for several major social 
functions, such as weddings and festivals, in a single agricultural 
year, which may also force it to consume seed. 

When a household requires the services of additional laborers, 
workers may specify whether they are to be repaid with cash ( mink'a ) 
or with labor (ayni). Very few specify the former. The agricultural 
tasks described in the previous sections of this chapter require more 
than 2000 hours to complete. Averaged over a year, this does not seem 
a great expenditure, but during critical periods in the agricultural 
cycle, labor is scarce and much more valuable than money. The labor 
requirements of the agricultural tasks discussed in this chapter are 
summarized in Table 5-11. 

Subsistence agriculture may provide small amounts of revenue for 
households. If a surplus of broad beans is produced, these are fre- 
quently taken to market. Most commonly, they are exchanged for other 
goods. It was mentioned, for example, that the woman in the Jaf'a 
household being discussed exchanges broad beans in the rural markets 
of the district for vrool , which is in short supply in the lakeside 
area of Sarata. She might also sell the beans, but only if the house- 
hold had a specific need for cash. 

Even in the lakeside area of Sarata, where there are relatively 
few animals, money plays a larger role in livestock raising than in 



-242- 



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-243- 



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-244- 



plant cultivation. Households purchse young p1gs every year, raise 
them, and butcher them at an appropriate time. The cost is considered 
very small compared to the trouble that is saved the household. Pig- 
lets cost about four dollars each, so a household buying two piglets 
a year spends about eight dollars. 

Cattle also represent a regular cash expenditure for the lakeside 
households of Sarata, and they account for the only significant source 
of cash income provided by subsistence agriculture. In the cormunity 
of Jat"a, cattle are the only animals which are regularly wormed, 
three times a year. This represents an annual expense of about four 
dollars per household. Cattle are sold in the livestock markets, which 
are held twice a year in Sarata. A two-year-old cow may be sold for 
about $180.00. In the case of a household which owns a cow capable of 
producing a calf every year, this represents a relatively important 
yearly source of income. 

The restricted use of money in the subsistence mode of the Sarata 
economy should not be regarded as evidence of isolation from the 
capitalist economy, but of intimate contact with it. People are very 
sensitive to price fluctuations in a wide variety of goods, and are 
acutely aware of the effects of inflation. It is simply not good 
business sense from the household perspective to tie the fortunes of 
your food supply to a currency which is subject to rapid and sudden 
declines in exchange value. 



— ■g» J>wj^.>-r^ . .. j -i^ - 



-245- 



Coffee and Citrus Cultivation 

The Jcfa household, like many households in Sarata, cultivates 
land in the Tambopata Valley of Sandia Province in the department of 
Puno. Several trucks make weekly trips between the town of Sarata 
and this tropical valley, carrying cargoes of people, produce, and 
messages between household members in the two regions. Trucks also 
operate on a regular basis out of the provincial capital of Huancane 
and the regional market center of Juliaca. If no obstacles or problems 
are encountered, the trip out of the altiplano , across the eastern range 
of the Andes and down the eastern valleys to the towns of San Juan del 
Oro and Yanamayo can be made in 18 to 20 hours. The- return, coming 
back up the eastern slopes of the Andes, requires about 25 hours. 

Problems occur almost as frequently as not, however. Mechanical 
dfificulties often plague the trucks making the long journey over poor 
roads. During the rainy season, landslides are common, and the trucks 
must halt their journey while everyone works to clear the road. Large 
landslides may halt traffic for several days. Trucks are backed up 
in opposite directions and passengers work from both ends to clear 
away the debris. It is not unusual for the edge of the roadbed itself 
to give way beneath the weight of a truck in wet weather^ sending dozens 
of people over a precipice to their deaths at one time. Numerous 
saratenos die on their way to and from the tropical valley every year 
as a result of accidents of this sort. During dangerous periods, 
efforts are made to reduce the risk by designating certain days for 
going down into the valley and other days for coming out, so that 
trucks do not have to meet one another on the narrow treacherous roads. 



mK.a>t£.^ KVlL.—. 



-246- 



The seasonal trips to the tropical valley to cultivate coffee 
and citrus fruit causes the man to be away from his home community of 
Jat"a for two extended periods each year. These are the coffee harvest, 
which runs from March through August, peaking in the months of May, 
June, and July. It is for these peak months that the man is away from 
home. If possible, he departs by mid-April, but frequently the labor 
demands of the highland harvest season keep him at heme longer. Without 
fail, however, he is on his way by the first of May. Like most men in 
Sarata, he returns near the end of July, trying to arrive home in time 
for Fiestas Patrias, the festival celebrating the anniversary of Peruvian 
independence on July 28. For households with relatively extensive 
irrigated fields, the beginning of the planting season provides an 
additional, even more compelling reason to come home. Thus, the dura- 
tion of the harvest period in the tropical valley is approximately 
90 days. 

The second extended absence is for the purpose of planting food 
crops, weeding so that secondary growth does not take over the culti- 
vated areas, and sometimes clearing new land. This usually occurs 
during the months of December and January and involves about 60 days 
away from home. The man leaves as soon as possible after the planting 
season, and returns for the festival of Candelaria the first week of 
February. The end of this festival marks the beginning of harvest 
activities in the lakeside area of Sarata. 

The migratory pattern described for the household under discussion 
here is common enough in Sarata that it may justifiably be called 
"typical"; however, it is not the only pattern. Some variation is 



-247- 



caused by the different production schedules in the respective eco- 
logical areas of Sarata. Within the lakeside area, there are some 
communities which have less cultivable land per capita than does the 
community of Jaf'a because of rocky, irregular terrain. The smaller 
highland land base decreases the time required to carry out agricul- 
tural tasks and increases the importance of tropical valley production 
in these households' survival strategies. In these cases, households 
commonly maintain members in the tropical valley throughout the year. 
This allows them to maintain larger landholdings in the valley and 
takes some of the demand off of highland food resources, since sub- 
sistence plots are maintained in the valley in addition to areas 
devoted to cash crops. In these households, husbands and wives often 
alternate with one another in spending time in the valley and in the 
highlands. 

The area cultivated by our hypothetical household in the Tambopata 
Valley measures three hectares, and is about a four-hour walk from 
the road. It is cultivated jointly by the man of our household and 
his wife's brother. The woman and her brother inherited the land 
equally from their father, who was the one who initially staked out the 
claim and cleared the area. The woman does not go to the valley in 
the case of the uat''a household because they have two small children 
and and infant, and it is considered more convenient that she be the 
one who remains on the altiplano to care for them. The revenues are 
divided equally between the two households. 

Cash crop cultivation involves more capital inputs than sub- 
sistence agriculture on the altiplano , although every effort is made 



-248- 



to reduce production costs. For example, the present investigation was 
not able to locate a single grower who had purchased coffee or citrus 
seedlings. Seedlings were either obtained from kin and neighbors 
who owned nearby lands or from abandoned fields from higher in the 
valley. Citrus trees are frequently grown from seed. 

No money is spent for fertilizer of any kind. Only a token fee 
is charged for claiming new lands farther down the valley, so an area 
is simply cultivated until it loses its fertility and then abandoned. 
In the meantime, new lands are being cleared and brought under cultiva- 
tion so there is no decline in production. Producers say that 30 
years is about the maximum an area can be used to produce coffee, from 
the time the land is cleared until it is no longer regarded as worth 
the effort to harvest the crop. 

Very few producers use any pesticides or fungicides, although this 
situation is beginning to change because of growing problems with 
coffee rust. The coffee cooperatives are urging producers to spray 
their trees in order to control this blight, but, thus far, most pro- 
ducers are opting in favor of planting more trees in different areas 
and trying to "stay ahead" of the rust. Even among the producers who 
do spray their trees the practice was irregular enough that it was not 
possible to arrive at a reliable estimate of the amount of money spent 
on spraying. 

The largest single expense incurred by producers in the tropical 
valleys is for labor. All labor is paid in cash in this area, although 
producers do seek to induce first relatives and then fellow community 
members into working for them before resorting to employing strangers. 



■ 1 ^ - m ~^ i ' wi .nw ■■ ~ j . i- j iai :;jrs »t.\si 



-249- 



Many of the people who accept jobs as laborers are individuals who are 
seeking to secure their first tropical lands. Working for someone 
else allows them to learn the techniques of cultivation and provides 
a means of supporting oneself while clearing land and waiting for the 
coffee and citrus trees to begin to bear. 

Labor is generally scarce during the height of the coffee harvest, 
and, especially when coffee prices are high, wages are good by local 
standards. During a good year, when coffee prices are high, three 
dollars a day is not an uncommon wage for a laborer. However, the 
unpleasant working conditions caused by the relatively high heat and 
humidity of the valley compared with the highlands, numerous biting 
insects, and an abundance of poisonous snakes prevail upon many poten- 
tial laborers to seek their wages elsewhere. 

Based upon interviews with producers, two men working a three- 
hectare plot would probably need to emply two laborers. If they were 
dependable the laborers could be expected to work 60 days each. Thus, 
the labor costs for the two households from Jaf'a can be expected to 
amount to about $360.00. 

Producers complain about high maintenance costs. Although they 
carry produce from their home conmunities with them when they travel 
to the valley and maintain subsistence plots on their tropical lands, 
they find they must purchase an inordinate amount of food in the 
markets of San Juan del Oro and Yanamayo. These purchases usually 
include meat and highland products such as potatoes. Potatoes do not 
store well in the tropical region, so they must be purchased in 
relatively small quantities to be consumed rather quickly. Meat must 



-250- 



be purchased because only those households which have members living 
there throughout the yedr maintain livestock in the valley. A number 
of saratenos have found that they can earn money by taking highland 
produce and meat to the Tambopata Valley and selling them to producers. 
Coffee and citrus producers spend around $50,000 per year on food pur- 
chased in the tropical valley. 

Transportation to and from the Tambopata Valley is also a major 
expenditure. For each person, a round trip costs about $10.00, so in 
the case of our hypothetical household the man incurs yearly expenses 
of $20.00 making two trips per year. His wife's brother also makes 
two trips per year, bringing the total transportation costs to $40.00. 

Of the three hectares which these two households work in coinnori, 
approximately 0.5 hectares, or 5000 square meters, is planted in citrus 
fruit, primarily oranges. About 0.25 hectares, or 2500 square meters, 
are either planted in subsistence crops such as corn and yuca , or sweet 
manioc, or are uncultivable. The remaining 2.25 hectares or 22,500 
square meters, are planted in coffee. Coffee yields average around 
900 kilograms per hectare through most of the Tambopata Valley. With 
such a yield one can expect to harvest about 2025 kilograms of coffee 
in a season, or about 40.5 quintales (50 kilogram sacks). During the 
1980 season, producers were receiving about $65.00 a qu intal . Thus, 
the man from our hypothetical household and his wife's brother could 
expect to receive about $2,632.50 for their coffee crop. 

Orange yields in the region average slightly less than 13,200 
kilograms per hectare, so that a 500-square-meter grove could be ex- 
pected to produce about 6600 kilograms of fruit. Of these, about 



-251- 



6350 kilograms of oranges are sold during the course of the 
harvest. The price paid to producers in the Tambopata Valley for 
oranges is about 3.5 cents per kilogram. The revenue from 6350 kilo- 
grams of oranges is thus about $222.25. 

The total gross revenue from coffee and citrus production is about 
$2,854.75. From this must be subtracted the labor, maintenance, and 
transportation costs mentioned above, which total approximately $450.00. 
This leaves a net revenue of about $2,404.75 for a season of work in 
the Tambopata Valley. This revenue is divided equally between the 
hypothetical household we have been discussing and the household of the 
wife's brother, providing each with a yearly income of about $1,202 
from the production activities which require each of " them to be in the 
tropical valley about 150 days of each year. 

Trade and Commerce 

In addition to the cash income provided by the work of the man on 
his wife's land in the Tambopata Valley, a household may also earn money 
through the mercantile activities of the wife. In the case of the Jaf'a 
household being discussed the earnings from this activity are small at 
present. Because their children are small, the woman is generally 
restricted to the home in the absence of her husband. There, she cares 
for the children, performs the general maintenance activities necessary 
to keep the household functioning, and organizes all agricultural tasks. 
Within a few years, the older children will be able to care for the 
younger and assume responsibility for some of the routine daily 



-252- 



maintenance chores, such as pasturing and watering the livestock and 
gathering manure and wood for fuel. This will allow the woman more 
freedom to leave home and participate in the periodic market cycle of 
the region. 

At present, the woman of the Jaf'a household participates in the 
market cycle during about 26 of the 52 weeks of the year, or about six 
months out of every year. Generally her marketing activities are 
greatly curtailed during the months of May through July and December 
through January, when her husband is in the Tambopata Valley, for the 
reasons cited above. From August through November and in February 
and March, she is largely free to participate fully in the market cycle. 
Although both she and her husband are present in the' highland community 
in April, this is the period in which agricultural activities place 
the greatest demands upon the labor resources of the household and 
come close to pushing them to an absolute limit, so, again, market 
participation is curtailed. Obviously, these periods of expansion and 
curtailment of market activity are more relative than absolute. A 
merchant may not simply engage and disengage from the market cycle in 
the way that one might turn on or off an electric light. This would 
be disruptive to the personal contacts which must be built up over time 
and are essential if one is to be a successful merchant. In any case, 
circumstances arise throughout the year which may permit or prevent a 
erchant from attending a market which are independent of any calcula- 
tion of a household's customarily available labor resources. 

The market schedule normally followed by women in positions simi- 
lar to the woman of the Jaf'a household involves attending four markets 



m 



-'tin ■■'■iiiirii<~^»'rTnii|— T iri 



■253- 



each week. These include the tremendous Monday market in Juliaca. 
There she sells any goods she might have brought from the border and 
purchases vegetables for sale or trade in the other markets during the 
week. On Wednesday she attends one of the larger rural markets held in 
the district of Sarata every week. There she sells some of her vege- 
tables for cash and trades others for wool, which she and her husband 
spin and weave to make clothing and blankets for the household. If she 
has a surplus, whatever vegetables she has bought in Juliaca are 
supplemented with broad beans and onions from the household fields 
when these products are in season. While at the Wednesday market, she 
also frequently purchases cheeses, which are \'ery inexpensive because 
the market is held in a herding area and the people own large herds 
of alpaca, sheep, and cattle. On Saturday, she attends another rural 
market located on the Bolivian border. She continues selling vegetables 
and trading them for wool. She also sells the cheeses purchased on 
Wednesday to Bolivian merchants for a handsome profit, or she may 
trade them to people from the tropical valleys of Bolivia for wayk'a , 
or dried hot peppers, and corn. Finally, she will purchase a radio or 
tape recorder to resell the following Monday in Juliaca. On Sunday, 
she attends the large Sarata market, selling or trading for wool any 
vegetables she has left along with any products from the tropical 
valleys she may have acquired at the time. 

Various operating costs are involved with following the market 
cycle. Transportation, purchasing passage for one's bundle and oneself 
on a truck, costs about $6.50 per week. A large sack of vegetables in 
the Juliaca market costs about $15.00. At the border a tape recorder 



-254- 



with a brand name that marks it as being of good quality costs about 
$65.00. A radio of similar quality costs about $28.00. Since she must 
conceal the machine on her person or among her possessions in order to 
smuggle it to Juliaca, the woman must usually choose between either the 
tape recorder or the radio. Thus, a reasonable estimate of her average 
weekly expenditure for machines would be $46.50. If we assume that she 
is able to work about 26 weeks out of ewery year, the annual cost of 
working as a petty merchant for the woman in our hypothetical household 
is about $1,898.00. 

Against this, marketing offers the following revenues. The $15.00 
worth of vegetables purchased each week may be sold for about $18.00. 
The $5,00 worth of cheeses purchased on Wednesday may be easily resold 
at the Bolivian border for $10.00. A tape recorder, purchased for 
$65.00 at the Bolivian border may be resold in Juliaca for $78.00, 
and a radio purchased at the border for $28.00 will bring $35.00 in 
Juliaca. Machines can thus be counted on for about $56.50 per week 
in revenue. Over 26 weeks, the gross revenue from these activities 
amounts to about $2,197.00 in cash, plus varying quantities of wool 
which are applied to household subsistence needs. The net revenue 
resulting from the woman's market activity is thus $299.00. 

Although already responsible for a significant portion of the 
household budget, there are several directions in which the marketing 
activities of the woman may expand to provide greater revenues. Some 
expansion will occur "naturally" as the children grow and become 
increasingly able to care for themselves and contribute their labor 
to household economic activities. In most cases, this marks the limit 



-255- 



of household economic expansion. A commonly expressed ideal is that 
as the children grow up and establish households of their own, the 
subsistence requirements of the parent's household diminish and the 
parents are able to return from capitalist economic activities. Cash 
cropping in the Tambopata Valley and commercial activity are taken over 
by the offspring who, if they honor their obligations, will provide 
for their parents' cash needs in their old age. 

It is not uncomm.on, however, for households to continue to expand 
their activities in the capitalist economy. One step on this direction 
would be to cease dealing in foodstuffs in the various market places and 
begin selling a commodity which offers a greater profit margin. Selling 
manufactured clothing is an option which has attracted many people in 
the past, for example, whereas high-quality tennis shoes which are 
manufactured in Peru are currently considered a good product for someone 
interested in earning a greater profit. 

Under favorable conditions, such a step might make even greater 
economic growth possible. Just as our hypothetical household and the 
household of the woman's brother collaborate in the cultivation of 
coffee and citrus, it would not be unusual for them to pool their 
resources in order to make a down payment on a truck. This would permit 
the handling of larger quantities of goods, and hauling passengers 
would provide the immediate cash necessary to provide incentives for 
local authorities to allow this more conspicuous business to grow unim- 
peded. Another possible course of action would be to invest in property 
in either Juliaca or the departmental capital of Puno and establish a 
retail business. Obviously, most households do not expand their 



-■^-'■— r"i'-'i'~ I' 



-256- 



commercial activities in such a fashion, either because they have no 
real desire to invest the capital and take the risks, or because any [ 

of a multitude of potentially unfavorable circumstances, such as having j 
to purchase food in the wake of a drought or having their goods confis- 
cated, prevent them from accumulating the capital necessary for such 
expansion. Expansion into the capitalist economy by sarateno house- 
holds does occur frequently enough that Sarata is known throughout the 
departjnent for the large number of successful trucking and transpor- 
tation firms owned by people from its rural communities. Households 
from the rural communities of Sarata also own the largest hardware 
store and largest bookstore in the departmental capital, one of the 
city's large hotels, the department's professional soccer team, and a 
host of smaller businesses. In Juliaca, other "peasant" households own 
restaurants and retail businesses, several large bus and truck companies, 
warehouses, and one of the city's largest garages for automotive and 
truck repair. Virtually every one of these households continues to 
have close ties with its home community, maintaining its lands and the 
rights and obligations that accompany community membership, even if they 
reside in the city for most of the year. 

Household Expense s 

Based on the information above, we can say that barring a poor 
year in the tropical valley or bad luck in encounters with customs 
officials on the altiplano , our hypothetical household can expect an 
annual income of about $1,501.00. However, such information is useless 
unless we also have an estimate of our household's cash expenses. To 



-257- 



this end, a series of consumption studies were administered to house- 
holds from areas throughout the district. Based upon these it was 
possible to estimate the amount of cash expenditures a household such 
as the one in Jaf'a must make during the course of the year in order to 
meet basic subsistence needs and social obligations. 

The specific items purchased are presented in Table 5-12. There 
are two basic categories of market expenditures made by our household. 
The first of these involves constant expenses, and is composed entirely 
of food not produced by the household and food-related expenses, such 
as kerosene, which is used in limited contexts for cooking, and coca 
leaves. The second category involves occasional expenses which may be 
made at various times throughout the year. Some of these are work- 
related and include the goods that households are expected to provide 
those who come to exchange labor. Others are festival related and 
involve the expenses that a household can expect to be obligated to 
make for various celebrations such as saints' days and weddings. Still 
other occasional expenses are made for clothing and as contributions 
for community projects. 

The total annual expenses for the Jaf'a household are $407.08. 
This means that after meeting what it considers to be the basic sub- 
sistence needs which it cannot produce itself, our hypothetical house- 
hold has $1,102.29 of what is essentially discretionary income. This 
sum is not maintained as cash, but is immediately converted into some 
sort of goods. These goods may take any of a number of forms. Common 
choices include land, a new house or home improvements such as a sheet 
metal roof to replace one of thatch, transistor radios, and portable 



-258- 

Table 5-12 
Annual Household Expenses 



Goods Purchased Quantity 



Monthly Expenditure Yearly Expenditure 



Consta nt Lxf^endi ture s 
Purchased Foodstuffs 



Tone toes 



^neese 



-estival-Related 



SUBTOTAL 



cases 



^Icc-oi 1 liter 

Bread 



f^jr adu It Tic 1 e 
"Or d du 1 1 "efTia 1 e 

For ohi Idren 

C oTnuni tv Pro ' ec ts 

-OntriDution 1 baa of cement 

Conti-ibut-on 



2 


pair 


pants 












^ 


snirts 














pair 


soccer 


-sty 


e 


shoes 


or 1 


coat 


j 


poll 


era ski 


rt 










1 
1 


PiOu 

hat 
pair 


ses 
shoes 












Sr 


oes 








SUE" 


'GTAL 





SUBTOTAL $16.70 



SUBTOTAL S 3.17 



"^?^'' ° kilograms per month S ^ ■57 c io o, 

f^i" 4 kiloarams per month V /r ^ ^2. 84 

f"^^.^^ ., 2 kilograms per month 'q? p"pa 

Coo»'i"goil . 1 liter per month opp n'« 

Or-;ed --isn iU£i) 5 kilograms per month n lo '°-?f 

Fresh fish "-j," 2.15 

Bread 2.35 34.20 



Carrots ]-'^° 16.80 

Cabbaoe '^S 16.80 

Fruit" ^■■'° 16.30 

n-30 9.60 

1-50 18.00 



$200.35 



ood-Rel ated "urchases 

■■^'-o^ens 2 gallons per m,onth n zp , „, 

Coca ■ „-it 3.84 

■^■Ba 34.20 



S 38.04 
TOTAL CONSTANT EXPENDITURES S19.87 $238 43 

Gccasio n ai Expenditu res 

i.'ork-Re late d 

Candv 

Coca' S S.SS 

Dried fish (isoi) '"'•7'' 



1.08 
5.36 



22.76 



31 


25 


3 


57 





72 


3 


57 



SUBTOTAL s 39.11 



32.50 



42. 



S 92.50 



7.14 
sheet of metal roofing j I4 

SUBTOTAL 5 14.28 

TOTAL OCCASIONAL EXPENDITURES S168.65 

TOTAL ANNUAL CASK EXPENDITURES TO MEET BASIC SUBSISTENCE NEEDS AND SOCIAL OBLIGATIONS $407.08 



-259- 



tape recorders, or additional manufactured clothing. As mentioned 
earlier, in some cases the money may be invested in expanding one of 
a household's capitalist enterprises. From the perspective of the 
household, however, it is essential that the money be converted into 
some form of goods as quickly as possible because the high rate of 
inflation and the devaluations of the currency that have characterized 
the Peruvian economy throughout the 1950s and appear destined to con- 
tinue into the 1980s literally penalize households for every day they 
delay. 



CHAPTER VI 
PEOPLE AND MODES OF PRODUCTION 

Summary and Conclusions 

The people living in the region of Sarata have dealt with outside 
domination of their economy for hundreds of years. During the Incaic 
period they labored in the tropical valleys of the present-day provinces 
of Carabaya and Sandia, mining gold with which to pay their tribute 
obligations to the Inca and to their local officials". Through various 
mechanisms, they maintained access to lands in these areas, and thus to 
goods they could not produce themselves within the confines of the alti - 
plano . 

The Spanish Conquest of South America marked the first contact of 
saratenos with the capitalist economy. They mined gold in the tropical 
valleys, silver in Potosf, produced woolen goods in the highlands, and 
grew food in all of their areas of arable land to satisfy their tribute 
obligations to the new rulers. The relations of production which 
organized these activities with Sarata and the other conquered regions 
were not capitalist, but were based on differential rights and duties 
related to access to land which gave the new rulers the right to command 
the labor of Native Americans. However, the labor provided by saratenos 
and Native Ajnericans from other regions, particularly in the mines such 
as Potosf, provided Europe with wealth that would finance capitalist 
accumulation and expansion in Europe for many years to come. 



-250- 



- ifc>*BIMW*nm»l.i1 t^L±^ 



-261- 



At the same time, and independently of their tribute obligations, 
saratenos produced food in the tropical valleys and in the highlands 
along with clothing and other goods which they carried to the Peruvian 
coast, Cuzco, La Paz, and Potosf to sell or trade. The possibility of 
carrying out such activities undoubtedly motivated the forceful appeal 
of the kuraka of Sarata and others of the region that they be exempted 
from providing labor to the mine of Potosf and be allowed instead to 
pay their tribute in gold and food products from the tropical valleys. 
This, they noted, they could do during months when they were not 
occupied with agriculture on the alti piano . This effort to coordinate 
their obligations to those dominating the regional economy with their 
own subsistence needs was apparently successful. In 1609, the friar 
Lizarraga commented upon the rich Indians of Sarata, and noted the 
diversity of products from different regions to which they had access. 

The capitalist mode of production did not make any major penetra- 
tions of the Sarata region until the end of the 19th century, when the 
Southern Peruvian Railway was constructed. The initial impact of this 
event had less to do with more efficient extraction of a product, pri- 
marily wool at this time, or with gaining access to cheap sources of 
labor, than it did with the opening up of a new market of consumers 
to manufactured goods. The people of Sarata and other regions of the 
al tiplano were anxious to acquire the manufactured goods being brought 
into southern Peru. The initial stimulus for direct participation in 
the capitalist mode of production was the need to acquire the means 
of constituting a solvent demand for these goods. 

The ways in which households sought to transform their acquisi- 
tive desires into solvent demand varied. Generally this involved the 



-262- 



alteration or intensification of some activity in which the household was 
already involved. Some began selling part of their food surpluses rather 
than trading for other goods. Others began to drive herds of cattle to La 
Paz for sale as part of, or in place of, long-standing trading expedi- 
tions into Bolivia. Still others began to sell food and other goods 
they carried to the Peruvian coast instead of trading them for the produce 
of that region, or journeys to the coast were made to take advantage of the 
growing opportunities for seasonal wage labor rather than to trade. 

As in the past, however, prosperity depended upon the successful co- 
ordination of production for subsistence with other economic activities. 
In the past, those who were able to cultivate their lands and meet 
their tribute obligations by mining gold and growing, food in the tropi- 
cal valleys had more opportunities to prosper than did those who went to 
Potosf. Members of this latter group were unable to continue cultivat- 
ing their lands during their period of service. They lost control of 
their own food production during their prolonged residence at the 
distant mine, and, of those who survived the experience of forced labor, 
many did not have the resources to return home and begin cultivation 
anew. Likewise, with the penetration of the capitalist mode of produc- 
tion, those who were able to continue producing their own food while 
participating in capitalist economic activities had the opportunity to 
prosper. Those who lost control of their own food production either 
because they spent too much time trying to earn cash and neglected 
production for their own subsistence, or because they became dependent 
upon selling the food that they would otherwise eat as a means of creating 
exchange value, became vulnerable both to the economic fluctuation 



-263- 



of the capitalist mode of production and to the climatic fluctuations 
of the Andean environment. 

The growth of cities in the aiti piano has been the most dramatic 
result of capitalist expansion into the region, and in it we observe 
the vulnerability of those who, for whatever reason, were unable to 
maintain control of their own food production. The urban centers of 
the alti piano region nave gone through various stages of growth and 
decline. At different times in the history of the region, major towns 
and cities have withered into nothing more than large clusters of 
empty buildings while heretofore insignificant hamlets grew into major 
centers of wealth and economic power. The changing trends in urban 
centers have been closely associated with changes in the regional trans- 
portation network. 

Despite some changes in the particular centers of urban expansion, 
the phenomenon of rapid urbanization itself has beeen a constant 
feature of most of the present century, becoming particularly dramatic 
since the 1940s. Urbanization is commonly associated with an increasing 
demand for labor as more capitalist enterprises enter an area. However, 
in the Peruvian alti piano the periods of most rapid urban growth cor- 
respond to the periods of greatest economic hardship in the region. 
Such periods of hardship may have been caused by the market conditions 
of a particular product. This occurred after World War I, for example, 
when a drop in wool prices forced large numbers of small-scale wool 
producers out of business. Economic hardship may also have been the 
result of environmental factors, such as the extended drought which 
occurred during the 1950s, which virtually brought food production on 



-264- 



the altiplano to a halt. In all cases, however, those who made their 
ways to urban centers were those who tied the fortunes of their sub- 
sistence to the fortunes of the capitalist economy. Their numbers 
included wool producers who had come to rely upon the cash received 
from selling their wool to purchase subsistence goods rather than main- 
taining some trade relationships with agricultural zones as a means of 
obtaining food, and who found themselves unable to balance their 
accounts when wool prices declined suddenly. 

When agriculture is practiced as a subsistence activity on the 
altiplano , food which is not immediately consumed by households may be 
stored as a provision against droughts and other natural disasters which 
periodically reduce production, A large number of agriculturalists 
responded to capitalist penetration, however, by selling increasingly 
large portions of their food "surpluses" as a means of earning an in- 
come. Many such households were among the masses of migrants to urban 
areas, having seen their income disappear when drought m,ade agriculture 
impossible at the same time it made households need more money than 
before to purchase food. Such households had sold food they would 
have otherwise preserved and stored. Capitalist expansion had caused 
these households to abandon traditional mechanisms for dealing with 
natural adversity and they paid dearly for it. 

Rapid urbanization in association with periods of economic hard- 
ship carried with it two very important consequences for the economic 
development of the altiplano . First, the urban centers could absorb 
only a very few of the people migrating to them into the work force of 
wage laborers, so the largest part of the new arrivals to the cities 



- -^.-i — .. — 



-265- 



became self-employed petty merchants. The search for new consumer 
markets was the driving force behind capitalist penetration into the 
altiplano and the response to economic difficulties has been to extend 
capitalist penetration ever farther into the countryside by intensify- 
ing the competition among the petty merchants who form the last link 
in the chain of purveyors of manufactured goods, during periods when 
rural consumers have had the least money to spend for these goods. 
Secondly, rapid population growth has increased the food requirements 
of urban centers, with the sectors of the population most responsible 
for the population increases being those least able to pay. This has 
been compounded by the reluctance of the rural producers to sell 
significant quantities of food precisely because of the vulnerable 
position in which food sales may place them. 

The phenomenon of rapid urban growth, particularly since the 1940s, 
has been characteristic of many areas of Peru. That this phenomenon 
has occurred during approximately the same time period that major 
features of present Peruvian food and agricultural policy were being 
developed is not entirely coincidental. Because of rapid urban popu- 
lation growth, government policies have emphasized maintaining low food 
prices and have oriented agriculture toward the production of goods for 
urban consumption. However, these policies have generally failed to 
satisfy urban food needs and have provided rural dwellers with addi- 
tional reasons for not relying upon food production as a source of 
income. 

The reasons for the failure of government food policies are 
various and interrelated. First, projects aimed at increasing food 



-266- 



production for urban consumption were concentrated near established urban 
centers, primarily in Peru's coastal region, in order to be closer to 
urban markets and to have easy access to infrastructure such as roads, 
electricity, and social services. The result was to concentrate these 
features in a relatively small area of the county. This attracted even 
greater numbers of people to the urban areas, increasing urban food 
requirements and taxing the existing infrastructure to near collapse. 

Secondly, much of the capital for projects intended to increase 
domestic food production has been international in origin, and, thus, 
outside of Peruvian control. Because Peru has emphasized maintaining 
low food prices through price controls and subsidizing imports and 
because of the very low solvent demand represented by a large portion 
of the urban masses, companies which have invested in producing a food 
product on an industrial scale ere attracted to more lucrative inter- 
national markets. Thus, the production resulting from certain develop- 
ment initiatives, such as poultry, for example, is exported rather than 
being used to feed Peruvians. 

Thirdly, Peru has sought to satisfy urban food needs which are 
left unmet by domestic production through subsidizing the importation 
of foodstuffs. Combined with official controls, this artificially 
depresses food prices. Peruvian food producers, particularly those 
operating on a small-scale, have not been able to compete with imported 
foodstuffs. Insofar as the rural population has been dependent upon 
the sale of food as a source of cash income this has depressed the 
rural economy, pushing more people out of the countryside and into the 
cities. Also, the populations of areas such as Sarata have learned 



«>■ ajuii i<M-a ■• ,s f — 1[— 



■267- 



that while it is difficult to earn money selling food they have produced 
themselves, it is easy to earn money smuggling subsidized important 
foodstuffs into countries where food prices are higher. 

In response to this larger economic context in which they have 
found themselves, the people of Sarata continue to rely upon an economic 
strategy that focuses upon productive diversity and flexibility. Agri- 
culture has become almost exclusively a subsistence activity through 
which households seek to either produce or acquire those goods essen- 
tial to their survival. In order to increase the chances of success- 
fully fulfilling this purpose, households rely on several subsistence 
crops, each of which is, in turn, frequently characterized by numerous 
varieties which are regularly planted and harvested.' This reduces the 
risk of a particular crop being wiped out by a blight and allows 
producers to take advantage of potentially useful properties such as 
resistance to frost or drought, or greater storability. Scattered 
landholdings reduce vulnerability to localized weather phenomena and 
increase the access of households located in the different ecological 
zones of Sarata to lands capable of supporting different agricultural 
pursuits. Access to the necessary variety of subsistence products is 
facilitated by redistributive mechanisms such as the weekly markets 
in different rural areas of the district and direct trade between the 
members of communities located in different ecological zones, which 
occurs outside of the market place. 

Once basic subsistence needs have been met through agricultural 
activities related to the non-capitalist mode of production, saratenos 
may turn to several capitalist activities in order to earn a cash 



'I'IPIIM 11 'iTII 111! !■ 



■268- 



income. The three principal capitalist activities in which saratenos 
are involved have been described. They include working as wage laborers 
on large commercial agricultural enterprises, the transport and commer- 
cialization of manufactured goods, and the cultivation of coffee and 
citrus fruit in the Tambopata Valley of Sandia Province, 

These capitalist activities have a direct relationship with the 
diversified strategies described above which have been employed by 
people from the Sarata region since prior to the Spanish Conquest. 
Just as gold from those valleys paid their tribute obligations to the 
Inca and Spanish overlords, today, coffee provides the revenue many 
need to pay the costs of a capitalist economy. Likewise, the extended 
trading expeditions which were conmented upon by the early Spanish 
chroniclers were adapted to meet the demands of the capitalist mode of 
production. Cash transactions replaced barter, and households who had 
formerly gone to trade in areas such as the Peruvian coast began to 
send members to look for wage labor. 

The way in which subsistence agriculture and the capitalist activi- 
ties are coordinated with one another varies from one area of the 
district to another and from household to household. Over the district 
as a whole, some variation is introduced by the different agricultural 
schedules which must be followed in the ecological zones. Household 
level variation is primarily a function of labor availability. A 
minimum amount of labor is required to carry out subsistence agricul- 
ture, and households do not engage in capitalist activities until they 
have completed the subsistence activities related to food production. 
The degree of involvement in the capitalist economy is determined by 



-269- 



labor resources. A household which has children old enough to take 
responsibility for some of the subsistence activities has more time 
to seek opportunities for earning cash, for example. The values and • 
goals of a particular household is a related factor. Many parents 
"retire" from capitalist activities when their children are old enough 
to take them over, dedicating their time and energy to home and 
community. Others take advantage of their children growing up and 
being able to help them to expand their interests in the capitalist 
economy so that, over time, considerable wealth may be accumulated. 
The basic rule for all households, however, is that one does not 
entrust one's food supply to the vagaries of the capitalist market. 
Selling food is unprofitable and purchasing it is dangerous of the 
uncertainties of price and supply. 

The effect of this strategy by saratenos has had two contradictory 
influences upon capitalist expansion into the region. On one hand, it 
has facilitated the growth of a regional capitalist economy in several 
ways. First, the income generated by participation in capitalist 
productive activities allows Sarata to act as a relatively strong market 
for manufactured goods imported into the region. In addition, the 
adaptations of traditional subsistence-related activities into capi- 
talist activities has extended the capitalist mode of production into the 
region at little or no cost to the national and international interests 
to which the capitalist enterprises of Sarata are linked. Initiating 
coffee and citrus production in the Tambopata Valley was realized with 
no outside support. The extension of a road into the area, the estab- 
lishment of the system of coffee cooperatives, and the implementation of 



-270- 



rudimentary social services were only carried out when coffee produc- 
tion was well-established as an important commercial activity. The 
state was responsible for the initial construction of the major roads 
passing through Sarata; however, most of the maintenance work on these 
is done by the communities through which they pass, and there are 
numerous unofficial roads which were built by saraterios themselves. 
Finally, the fact that saraterios who work as wage laborers provide 
their own subsistence through agriculture means that they can afford 
to work on a seasonal basis and for low wages, further subsidizing 
the capitalist economy. 

On the other hand, the participation by households in both 
capitalist and non-capitalist modes of production limits the possibil- 
ities for further capitalist expansion in the region. This is, in 
part, due to the nature of the capitalist activities in which saraterios 
participate. The cultivation of cash crops in the Tambopata Valley 
and working for wages on the commercial agricultural enterprises of 
the coast are seasonal enterprises. Although technological innova- 
tions might make them more capital intensive or permit increases in the 
area of land under cultivation, the real ity of the agricultural cycle 
means that they will always provide only seasonal employment. 

More important, however, is the fact that it is the households 
of Sarata which maintain the social formation in which capitalist and 
non-capitalist modes of production operate. This situation reflects 
the households' response to the insecurities associated with capitalist 
penetration into the area. Viage labor on the Peruvian coast, cash- 
cropping in the tropical valleys, and trade and transport all have. 



•ii>T.^wiiM,-iiMii, I ii»4iii ww^rti-^ lini »*j— ^ac 



-271- 



from the point of view of saratenos . basic continuities with past, 
non-capitalist economic activities in which they v;ere involved. The 
most important of these continuities is that they may be coordinated 
with the agricultural calendar of the alti piano so as to miaintain a 
diversified productive strategy. This is why they were adopted by 
saratenos as cash-earning activities. 

Households select among the three capitalist alternatives based 
upon their perception of labor scarcity. This labor scarcity is not 
absolute, but refers to the need to carry out particular agricultural 
activities such as planting and harvesting within a limited period of 
time. At different times during the year the labor demands of agricul- 
tural activities may approach or exceed the labor resources of a house- 
hold, either because the number of person-hours required to carry out 
the task is high or because the activity must be performed by a team 
which is larger than the number of adult household members available 
to perform it. These situations are handled by labor exchange mechan- 
isms which allow a household to muster the number of workers it needs 
at one time and repay the day of labor provided by each worker with 
a day of labor for each of them on another date. Within this context, 
the amount of time a household has available for capitalist activities 
is determined by how much of its time is occupied by producing food. 
Because the labor requirements for non-capitalist, subsistence agri- 
culture determine the level of participation of capitalist activities 
within the Sarata economy, the non-capitalist mode of production is 
dominant. 

The dominance of the non-capitalist mode of production does not 
imply that capitalist productive activities are unimportant to sarateno 



-272- 



household economies, or that the insecurities of the capitalist mode 
of production prompt people to avoid capitalist activities. On the 
contrary, people feel that as long as they enjoy the freedom to decide 
when and how to participate in capitalist activities, these should 
be sought out and taken advantage of. Indeed, it was the penetration 
of the capitalist mode of production which provided economic opportuni- 
ties outside of the control of the traditional regional elites and 
allowed the Aymara of Sarata to accumulate sufficient wealth and 
political power to begin to successfully challenge their dominance of 
the region. However, the freedom to decide when and how to participate 
in the capitalist mode of production is the result of saratenos main- 
taining control over their own food supply, and they know it. For 
this reason saratenos do not participate in the activities which inter- 
fere with subsistence agriculture. 

Neither does the dominance of the non-capitalist mode of produc- 
tion and the conscious isolation of food production from the capitalist 
economy indicate a lack of knowledge or experience by saratenos with 
regard to this mode of production. The reluctance to allow their food 
supply to be controlled by the market economy goes beyond a simple 
realization that one can earn more money growing coffee and citrus, 
engaging in trade and transport and working as a seasonal wage laborer 
than by growing and selling food. This is but one aspect of the prob- 
lem and it is also the least important aspect. Of greater significance 
is the question of why saratenos do not seek or develop full-time 
economic activities in the capitalist mode of production, increase their 
net revenue, and purchase their food needs. In fact, some households 



-273- 



have experimented with decreasing their agricultural production to 
allow more time for capitalist activities. Some have tried going to 
the tropical valleys earlier and staying longer so they can harvest 
the coffee which ripens before and after the peak harvest months. 
Other coffee growers go to the valleys with their spouses so as not to 
have to hire as many laborers and thus to reduce costs. Wage laborers 
have extended their stays on the coast or expanded their trade and 
transport activities at the expesne of some food production. The con- 
sensus is that none of these alternatives produce sufficient revenues 
to allow one to have gained any advantage once food shortfalls have 
been made up through purchase. 

This still is not, however, the most important obstacle to fuller 
participation in the capitalist mode of production at the expense 
of subsistence agriculture. All remuneration for participation in 
capitalist activities comes in the form of money; acquiring access to 
money for the purpose of purchasing manufactured goods is the primary 
motive for participating in capitalist production in the first place. 
However, the high Peruvian inflation rate and frequent devaluations 
of Peruvian currency in relation to other currencies force people to 
convert their money into goods as quickly as possible. Most of this 
money is converted into consumer products and home improvements aimed 
at bettering the living conditions of the household. Any "savings" 
are converted into goods that are easily convertible, non-perishable, 
and which tend to hold their value in comparison to money. A popular 
choice is wool, for although subject to price fluctuations it is 
considered more stable than money, and may be used to fill another basic 



-274- 



subsistence need, clothing, should the need arise. Food is difficult 
to fit into a strategy which emphasizes rapid conversion of money into 
goods. In spite of price controls, foodstuffs have undergone dramatic 
price increases througout the country, and because of widespread 
smuggling, are frequently only available at black market prices. This 
means that the money necessary to buy a determined amount of food today 
will almost certainly be insufficient in the future. Because of diffi- 
culties in transport and storage, it is impractical for rural dwellers 
to purchase large quantities of food in order to "stay ahead" of price 
increases. 

Saratenos do not allow the capitalist mode of production to become 
dominant because they are so intimately acquainted with it. The forces 
which make the selling and purchasing of food such an unprofitable 
proposition could easily have a similar effect on any of the capitalist 
activities in which they are involved. It is for this reason that 
households such as the one discussed in Chapter V do not rely only on 
coffee production or on trade and transport for a cash income. Although 
this household earns only a relatively small portion of its income from 
trade and transport at present, for example, should coffee production 
cease to be profitable, the household could intensify its trade and 
transport activities. Food, on the other hand, is different. As long 
as a household has its own food to eat and to trade for wool to make 
clothing it can weather about any disaster related to its capitalist 
activities without its survival being threatened. It is not mere 
sentimentality which motivates even wealthy saratenos to maintain their 
lands and to continue to honor their community obligations. Saratenos 



-275- 



see that by maintaining a diversified economic strategy in which sub- 
sistence agriculture occupies the central position they have the oppor- 
tunity to use capitalism to their advantage. Those who lose control 
of their food supply have no protection against the fluctuations of 
the capitalist economy. 

Policy Implications 

The situation described in the preceding pages has several impli- 
cations of relevance to those who may have a role in shaping future 
development policies which will affect the district of Sarata and 
surrounding regions, as well as to those whose development planning 
may be directed toward other areas where some of the conditions 
described for Sarata also prevail. Government policites which have 
intended to provide inexpensive foodstuffs to urban dwellers have not 
been successful, and they have discouraged domestic food production by 
subsidizing imported foodstuffs. Sarata and other areas of the Peruvian 
highlands are capable of contributing to domestic food needs if efforts 
are made to alleviate the risks under which they must operate. Such 
risks are natural, in the form of drought, hail, and frost, and they 
are social in the form of fluctuating commodity prices, increasing 
demands upon producers to have cash, and a currency which loses its 
buying power because of inflation and monetary devaluation. 

However, official policies have increased the insecurities asso- 
ciated with food production and consumption. Food production became a 
purely subsistence activity and saratenos found other, more lucrative 



-276- 



means of earning money. Because iheir reluctance to deal with food 
as a capitalist commodity is based as much upon the risk and insecurity 
associated with it as with simple factors of cost and price, persuading 
agriculturalists to supply more of their food production to Peru's 
growing urban centers is not simply a matter of making agriculture a 
profitable commercial activity. Food would need to be profitable at a 
level comparable to coffee production or transport as a prerequisite to 
any effort intended to persuade agriculturalists to produce and sell 
larger surpluses. Also important would be a restructuring of the entire 
food marketing and distribution system so as to encourage more competi- 
tion among food commercial ists and improve the bargaining position of 
the numerous small-scale producers. 

The point which has been emphasized repeatedly is that the guiding 
principle behind the economic strategies of sarateno households is the 
maintenance of diversity in productive activities. By pursuing diverse 
productive activities sara t enos protect themselves from the severe 
misfortunes that might beset any particular activity. Such a strategy 
permitted saratenos to adapt to the catastrophic changes wrought by the 
Spanish Conquest and to respond with relative success to the challenges 
posed by capitalist expansion into the region. Any changes which 
appear to threaten the diversity of their economic strategy will be 
resolutely resisted by saratenos . 

Because the central and most crucial element of this strategy of 
economic diversification is the maintenance of food production as a 
subsistence activity, agriculturalists in Sarata are not particularly 
interested in technical innovations designed to increase yields. During 



-277- 



most seasons, the majority of households meet their own basic sub- 
sistence requirements at a minimal cash cost. The cash income provided 
by capitalist activities helps to reduce the impact of seasons when 
this is not the case. In seasons when crop yields are insufficient, 
the cause is usually drought, frost, or hail, or a combination of these 
adversities to which technological innovations offer no solution. Inno- 
vations for increasing yields will be met with a particularly acute 
lack of interest if they require increased cash expenditure or labor 
inputs in order for their benefits to be realized. 

As has been noted, the key consideration in determining how much 
time a household will dedicate to capitalist economic activities is the 
amount of time required to carry out the tasks of subsistence agricul- 
ture so that, barring a natural disaster, the household is assured of 
having enough to eat. Technical innovations which would reduce the 
amount of time required to realize subsistence activities so that more 
time would be available for earning money would be warmly received. If 
there were agreement that new techniques or technologies would indeed 
allow them to reduce labor inputs for subsistence agriculture, saratenos 
would be more than willing to invest money and resources in them. One 
innovation about which a number of people specifically asked during 
the course of the present investigation, for example, was the introduc- 
tion of garden tillers. 

Within the capitalist mode of production, the most obvious area 
for innovation is in the cash-cropping operations in the Tambopata 
Valley. Producers are interested in increasing the profitability of 
citrus production and other products besides coffee. They note that for 



- ->*^ ■ g- -»=—-— ■w.'iH i_.i .:j k mjatlmat^ra " ru.' t » lau raa ■■ t i ^a jaiitfcy ■■ 



-278- 



much of the year, valley products are unavailable on the altiplano 
and then, during the period of harvest in the valley, the market becomes 
glutted forcing the prices down. The members of several of the coffee 
cooperatives have formed unofficial comnittees to investigate ways of 
either storing the products themselves or converting fruits to canned 
juice so that they would have a product that could be sold throughout 
the year at a relatively stable price. Assistance in this area would be 
well received. 

The District of Sarata in a Broader Perspective 

The case of the district of Sarata described in the present work 
illustrates several points regarding the interaction between capitalist 
and non-capitalist modes of production when these come into contact 
in areas of capitalist expansion. It also illustrates how the economic 
decisions made by sarateno households shape, and are shaped by, particu- 
lar features of capitalist expansion. 

In the example provided by Sarata, we see that all of the capital- 
ist activities are subsidized in some way by the non-capitalist mode 
of production. In the case of wage labor in commercial agricultural 
enterprises in the coastal region, the demand for labor is seasonal 
and the wages of a worker cover the costs of subsistence while residing 
on the coast with some money left to take home for the household. These 
wages do not even approach the amount of money that would be needed to 
support a household throughout the year. Such an enterprise could not 
pay a subsistence wage and afford to continue functioning. Labor is 



-279- 



available to capitalist enterprises paying less-than-subsistence wages 
because the basic subsistence needs of the workers' households are 
met by the agricultural activities belonging to the non-capitalist mode 
of production. 

If coffee growers of the district of Sarata required a price for 
their coffee that would pay the annual subsistence costs of themselves 
and their households, they would not be able to sell any coffee. The 
only way that producer households could support themselves with the 
revenues generated by the products they sell would be to greatly 
expand the areas they cultivate. This is not possible, however, because 
there is not enough labor to harvest the areas currently under cultiva- 
tion. Again, the subsistence needs of producers and' their households 
are met by the non-capitalist agricultural activities carried out in 
the highland communities. Subsistence agriculture thus subsidizes 
production in one of Peru's major coffee-growing regions. If it did 
not, the coffee from the Tambopata Valley could not be sold at a com- 
petitive price on international markets. 

In the area of trade and transport, commercial ists, whose activi- 
ties have been discussed, purchase foodstuffs and sell them in the rural 
markets of Sarata. The people of Sarata purchase only a small portion 
of their foodstuffs. In the rural markets, however, goods are both 
bought and bartered, and the exchange values of the goods which are 
bartered are calculated in terms of their relative prices in cash. A 
ajor purpose of the rural markets of Sarata is to facilitate the 
distribution of subsistence goods to the different ecological areas. 
Through the markets, meat and wool move from the high-altitude areas to 



m 



-280- 



the lakeside ecological zone while broad beans and minor tubers reach 
the high-altitude areas. Products from all of the areas of Sarata 
are sought by traders from the tropical valleys of Bolivia who bring 
corn, hot peppers, dyes for wool and other products. Thus, the 
redistributive function of the rural markets creates sufficient demand 
to make following the rural market cycle worthwhile for conmercialists 
and allows them to introduce products for sale, which would not other- 
wise be marketed in the district. 

It will be remembered that smuggling also plays a large role in 
the commercial life of Sarata. However, the redistributive function 
discussed above and the smuggling function are separate aspects of 
market activity. There are active rural markets in the district whose 
locations and meeting times make them very inconvenient sites for 
smuggling activities. One may thus deduce that it is the redistributive 
function of the markets rather than a desire to smuggle which motivates 
attendance. 

In a different way from the legal commercial activities which per- 
tain to the capitalist mode of production, smuggling also depends upon 
the existence of the non-capitalist mode of production. Smugglers are 
intermediaries who help to expand the capitalist mode of production by 
overcoming legal impediments to the flow of manufactured goods into 
areas where there exists a solvent demand. In the case of small-scale 
smugglers who do not own trucks, and this includes most of those 
saratenos who smuggle, the existence of the non-capitalist m.ode of 
production is important in two ways. First, as in the other capitalist 
activities discussed here, small-scale smuggling does not produce enough 



-281- 



revenue to pay the subsistence costs of a household. In addition, it 
is because subsistence needs are met by the non-capitalist mode of 
production, a household can absorb the financial loss of having a 
smuggled good confiscated, always a possibility because of the illegal- 
ity of the activity. 

In the case of large-scale smugglers who employ other saratenos 
to drive their trucks, or load and unload goods, the non-capitalist 
mode of production allows them to pay wages which do not meet the sub- 
sistence costs of their employees. Moreover, because they and their 
family members maintain all of their obligations in the community, 
engaging in non-capitalist forms of reciprocity, they can count on 
community support when they come under pressure from the authorities. 
One of the fascinating aspects of observing economic activities in 
Sarata v;as the way in which trucks laden with goods and their owners 
could simply disappear into the countryside when legal problems arose. 

It has frequently been pointed out that the subsidy which activi- 
ties belonging to the capitalist mode of production receive from 
activities belonging to non-capitalist modes of production represents 
a transfer of value from one mode of production to the other. Capital- 
ist activities penetrate an area and then survive and grow there 
because the subsistence costs of the population they wish to incorpor- 
ate are at least partially met by pre-existing non-capitalist activities. 

The case of Sarata, however, illustrates another aspect of this 
process and helps us understand why agriculture is one of the economic 
activities most resistant to capitalist penetration. In Sarata, people 
are anxious to acquire the goods that capitalism has to offer. However, 



-282- 



they realize that the people least able to acquire these goods are 
those who depend upon the capitalist mode of production to pay their 
subsistence costs. As has been noted, by maintaining control over land 
and their own food production, saratenos maintain some autonomy for 
choosing the conditions under which they will participate in the 
capitalist mode of production. Because most of their subsistence needs 
are met by non-capitalist activities the revenues generated by capital- 
ism may be used to better their standard of living not just to keep 
them alive. By keeping their subsistence activities outside of the 
capitalist mode of production, saratenos protect themselves from the 
insecurities of the capitalist market. 

The activities of seasonal wage labor, cash cropping, and trade 
and transport did not impose themselves upon saratenos , but were 
selected by them because they were compatible with the demands of sub- 
sistence agriculture. Capitalism imposed itself insofar as people 
needed, or wanted very badly, increasing quantities of cash in order 
to maintain an acceptable standard of living. However, saratenos 
themselves selected how this cash would be earned, on the basis of which 
activities posed the least threat to their control of their own sub- 
sistence. 

Sarata is different from other frontiers of capitalist expansion 
because its traditional non-capitalist mode of production included 
diverse activities which could be adapted to the requirements of a 
capitalist mode of production. In most areas where capitalism is 
expanding, these alternatives are not available and people are forced 
to become dependent on "frontier" capitalist enterprises which are 



-283- 



notorious for their instability. In Sarata, once capitalist penetra- 
tion was initiated, people recognized that their own self-interest lay 
in preventing this penetration from reaching their system of food 
production. They turned to their traditional strategies of diversifi- 
cation of activities to insure that this did not occur. As long as it 
does not, they enjoy access to capitalist products and control of their 
own subsistence. 



APPENDIX 
THE AYMARA PHONETIC ALPHABET 

The spelling of all Aymara words used in this paper is in accord- 
ance with the Aymara Phonemic Alphabet developed by Juan de Dios 
Yapita M., Director, Institute Nacional de Estudios Lingufsticos 
(National Institute of Linguistic Studies), La Paz, Bolivia (Yapita 
Moya 1981). 



Consonants: 






P 


JL 


ch 


k 


q 








P" 


t" 


ch" 


k" 


q 








P' 


V 

s 

1 


ch' 
11 


k' 


q 

X 








m 


n 


n 












w 


r 


y 






Vowels: i 


a 


u 













Vowel lengthening: " Aspiration: 
q: voiceless post-velar stop 
j: pharyngeal or velar fricative 
x: post-velar fricative 
11, ii: values comparable to Spanish 



Glottalization: 



-284- 



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m' ^ ii 9\t ^^rv^• i^m^' j fimi^t^m 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 

Michael Painter was born in Woodstock, Virgina, on August 26, 1954, 
and he lived there until 1972, when he began his studies at the Univer- 
sity of Virginia. He received a B.A. in Latin American studies from 
the University of Virginia in May 1976 and began graduate study at 
the University of Florida the following September. In March 1978, he 
received an M.A. in anthropology with a Certificate in Latin American 
studies from the University of Florida. Principal interests include 
economic anthropology, anthropological linguistics, and problems related 
to agriculture and food production. In addition to his doctoral 
research in Peru, he has conducted field research in Mexico, Bolivia, and 
Chile. 



-293- 



,i^S^^6:t»'rm s \-ii'>' i » "n iM ms m 



• ^-f^ ' *-^ i«i.^iKT»<j^— -^-a^ — =. - . 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it 
confonns to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully 
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy. 




SM 



c*^<^. 




R, Oliver-Smrth/ Chairman 
te Professor of Anthropology 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it 
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully 
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy. 




Professor of Aryrhropd I'ogy 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it 

conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully 

adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissert^i^ton for the degree of 

Doctor of Philosophy. ,.-- ^ ,->-^ .--"" > 




MyO. p?§rdman -de-Bau t??ta' 
j-o;f^spr of Anthr^ol^ogy-afra^Lingui sties 



/ 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it 
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully 
adequate, in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy. 



LkaaX 



UU 




Charles Wag ley 

Graduate Research Professor of Anthropology 



I certify that I have read this study and that in my opinion it 
conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully 
adequate^ in scope and quality, as a dissertation for the degree of 
Doctor of Fhilosopny. 



Mm>^i 



CFrrfs 0. Andrew 

Professor of Food and Resource Economics 



This dissertation was submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Departmeni 
of Anthropology in the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences and to the 
Graduate Council, and was accepted as partial fulfillment of the require- 
ments for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

December 1981 



Dean for Graduate Studies and Research